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A meta-analytic test of the imagined contact hypothesis
Eleanor Miles and Richard J. Crisp
Group Processes Intergroup Relations 2014 17: 3
DOI: 10.1177/1368430213510573
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DOI: 10.1177/1368430213510573
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A meta-analytic test of the
imagined contact hypothesis
Eleanor Miles1 and Richard J. Crisp2
Abstract
Imagined intergroup contact (Crisp & Turner, 2009) is a new indirect contact strategy for promoting
tolerance and more positive intergroup relations. Despite its relatively recent inception, there have
now been over 70 studies showing that imagining a positive interaction with an outgroup member
can reduce prejudice and encourage positive intergroup behavior. With this meta-analysis, we provide
the first quantitative review of imagined contact effects on four key measures of intergroup bias:
attitudes, emotions, intentions, and behavior. We also test for moderators arising from both group
and study design characteristics. The analysis found that imagined contact resulted in significantly
reduced intergroup bias across all four dependent variables (overall d+ = 0.35). The effect was
significant for both published and unpublished studies, and emerged across a broad range of target
outgroups and contexts. The effect was equally strong for explicit and implicit attitude measures,
but was stronger on behavioral intentions than on attitudes, supporting the direct link between
imagery and action proposedly underlying mental simulation effects. Most design characteristics
had no significant impact, including valence of the imagined interaction, type of control condition,
and time spent imagining contact. However, the more participants were instructed to elaborate
on the context within which the imagined interaction took place, the stronger the effect. The
imagined contact effect was also stronger for children than for adults, supporting the proposition
that imagined contact is a potentially key component of educational strategies aiming to promote
positive social change.
Keywords
imagined contact, intergroup contact, mental simulation, prejudice
Paper received 8 August 2013; revised version accepted 4 October 2013.
When you visualised a man or a woman
carefully … when you saw the lines at the
corners of the eyes, the shape of the mouth,
how the hair grew, it was impossible to hate.
Hate was just a failure of imagination.
Graham Greene, The Power and the Glory.
1
University of Sussex, UK
University of Sheffield, UK
2
Corresponding author:
Eleanor Miles, School of Psychology, University of Sussex,
Brighton BN1 9QH, UK.
Email: e.miles@sussex.ac.uk
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4
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
Researchers developing prejudice-reduction interventions have a powerful tool at their disposal in
Gordon Allport’s contact hypothesis (1954). This
hypothesis proposes that contact between groups
reduces prejudice, a prediction which has been
confirmed across more than 500 studies (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Intergroup contact works
via a range of cognitive and affective processes
including reduced anxiety, increased self-disclosure,
and increased trust, and it is unquestionably integral to efforts aimed at improving intergroup
relations (see Hodson & Hewstone, 2013). But
what if contact is prevented, either by physical or
psychological barriers? In many of the situations
where intergroup conflict is most pervasive, geographical or social segregation means that contact
between groups is either impossible or unlikely,
and there are many reasons why people may not
seize opportunities for contact even when they
become available. In recent years, however, it has
become apparent that the contact hypothesis has
an application that transcends face-to-face interaction. The imagined intergroup contact hypothesis (Crisp & Turner, 2009) proposes that the
very concept of contact, mentally articulated in
the form of an imagined interaction, can have
a positive impact on intergroup perception and
behavior. There have now been over 70 studies
of imagined contact, testing its impact on a range
of measures related to the reduction of prejudice
and intergroup bias. In this meta-analysis, we provide the first quantitative review of these imagined contact effects.
Imagined Intergroup Contact
Imagined intergroup contact is defined as “the
mental simulation of a social interaction with a
member or members of an outgroup category”
(Crisp & Turner, 2009, p. 234). Crisp and Turner
argued that imagined contact may be valuable as
an application of the contact hypothesis where
actual contact is impossible or unlikely; for example, where there are a lack of opportunities to
meet people from other groups. However, they
also noted that imagined contact may be valuable
as a means of preparing people for future contact.
Imagined contact may, for instance, make people
more likely to seek out and seize opportunities
for contact. It may also improve the quality of
direct contact by preparing them to engage in
these interactions with a positive and open mind.
In turn, this may make it more likely that future
direct contact will meet the conditions Allport
believed were necessary for prejudice reduction
(equal status, common goals, a co-operative environment, and support from authority). The idea
that imagined contact prepares people for future
contact can be seen as a logical extension of
Allport’s original theorizing. Indeed, Crisp and
Turner (2012) note that in The Nature of Prejudice
Allport discusses the potential of “fantasy level”
contact as an effective first step to improving
intergroup relations, particularly when “realistic
discussion” between groups could constitute a
threat (1954, p. 453). Where contact encounters
are possible, but where groups do not act upon
these opportunities, imagined contact may therefore be a critical first step towards establishing
direct contact.
Processes and Outcomes
Since its inception, research has shown positive
effects of imagined contact on intergroup attitudes, emotions, behavioral intentions, and
behavior. There is substantial evidence showing
that imagined contact, especially when positively
toned, has beneficial effects on intergroup relations. For instance, early enquiries demonstrated
that it improves intergroup attitudes (Turner, Crisp,
& Lambert, 2007), perceptions of outgroup variability
(Turner et al., 2007), and enhances projection of
positive traits to the outgroup (Stathi & Crisp, 2008).
Subsequent studies found that it fosters more
positive intentions to engage in outgroup contact (Husnu
& Crisp, 2010a, 2010b), increases self-efficacy concerning future outgroup contact (Stathi, Crisp, & Hogg,
2011), and facilitates outgroup trust (Pagotto,
Visintin, De Iorio, & Voci, 2012; Vezzali,
Capozza, Stathi, Giovannini, 2012). Other studies
have shown it reduces negative aspects of outgroup evaluation such as intergroup anxiety (Birtel
& Crisp, 2012b; Husnu & Crisp, 2010a; Turner
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Miles and Crisp
et al., 2007; West, Holmes, & Hewstone, 2011),
infrahumanization of the outgroup (Vezzali, Capozza,
Stathi, et al., 2012), negative stereotypes (Brambilla,
Ravenna, & Hewstone, 2012; Cameron, Rutland,
Turner, Holman-Nicolas, & Powell, 2011; Stathi,
Tsantila, & Crisp, 2012) and stereotype threat
(Abrams et al., 2008). Research has also revealed
that imagined contact can combat subtle forms
of bias such as implicit prejudice (Turner & Crisp,
2010; Vezzali, Capozza, Giovannini, & Stathi,
2012) and negative nonverbal behaviors (Birtel &
Crisp, 2012a; Turner & West, 2012).
As well as a large number of supportive studies, imagined contact has stimulated a great deal
of debate. With this meta-analysis, we address
some of these critiques. For example, the “real
world” significance of the effect has been questioned (Lee & Jussim, 2010), and others have
questioned whether the effect is present for nonself-report measures, suggesting that it is subject
to demand characteristics (Bigler & Hughes,
2010). While these issues have been debated from
a conceptual standpoint (Crisp, Birtel, & Meleady,
2011; Crisp & Turner, 2010), with this meta-analysis we provide a quantitative riposte. For
instance, if imagined contact has significant
effects when its outcomes are measured implicitly, this would suggest the effect cannot be attributable to demand characteristics. If it has
significant effects on actual behavior towards
outgroup members, then the implications for
real-world interaction are clear.
Aims of the Present
Meta-Analysis
Previous theoretical and narrative reviews have
established key principles of imagined contact
(Crisp & Turner, 2009), documented its impact
on behavioral intentions (Crisp, Husnu, Meleady,
Stathi, & Turner, 2010), proposed both cognitive
and affective pathways through which it has a
positive impact (Crisp & Turner, 2012; Crisp
et al., 2010), and elucidated links with Allport’s
original theorizing (Crisp & Turner, 2012). With
this meta-analysis, we provide the first quantitative
review of the effectiveness of imagined contact
on four key dependent measures: attitudes, emotions, intentions, and behavior. We also examine
moderating conditions that may limit or enhance
its effectiveness. To identify these moderators, we
draw upon key theoretical predictions, as well as
the contributions of other researchers. We were
able to assess the impact of multiple moderators
relating both to group-based characteristics (i.e.,
variability relating to participants or to the outgroup being imagined) and design-based characteristics (i.e., variability relating to the imagined
contact manipulation). We discuss how we identified and assessed these characteristics next.
Group Characteristics
Is imagined contact more effective for some outgroups than
for others? Pettigrew and Tropp (2006) found that
the beneficial effect of direct contact “applies
beyond racial and ethnic groups to embrace other
types of groups as well” (p. 768). In order to
determine whether the same is true for imagined
contact, we coded the type of outgroup participants were asked to imagine contact with. All but
five studies could be categorized into the outgroups of ethnic group, nationality, mental illness, disability, age, sexual orientation, religion, or weight.
Do age, gender, and nationality of participants predict the
effectiveness of imagined contact? We coded the participant characteristics of age, gender, and nationality as potential moderators. Our decision to
examine these factors as moderators was guided
by the diversity of participants represented in our
sample, and our aim was to discover whether
imagined contact was effective across all participant groups. Of particular note, recent evidence
shows that imagined contact improves intergroup
relations not only among adults but also among
children (Cameron et al., 2011; Vezzali, Capozza,
Giovannini, et al., 2012; Vezzali, Capozza, Stathi,
et al., 2012). Given that the formative years of
prejudice development are school years (Cameron & Rutland, 2006; Cameron, Rutland, Brown,
& Douch, 2006) and the clear appeal of imagery
interventions for children, this is an obvious place
to intervene with imagined contact. Thus, it is
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Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
important to establish its effectiveness within this
group. We therefore tested for differential effectiveness of imagined contact on adult participants as compared to child participants, as well as
coding age as a continuous variable to test for any
changes in the effectiveness of imagined contact
across the lifespan.
Design Characteristics
Is positive imagined contact more effective than neutral
imagined contact? Based on findings that quality of
contact is particularly important in order for it to
benefit intergroup relations (e.g., Eller & Abrams,
2004; Stathi & Crisp, 2010; Voci & Hewstone,
2003), studies of imagined contact often specify
that participants should imagine a positive interaction. The importance of this has been argued
theoretically (Crisp & Turner, 2009), and empirical studies comparing positive contact with neutral contact also support this idea (Stathi & Crisp,
2008; West et al., 2011). Specifying a positive
interaction may be important because it guards
against a possible negative tone, which might
emerge if participants were given no direction
and relied upon negative stereotypes as a basis for
the imagined interaction (cf. West et al., 2011).
Thus, we coded whether participants were asked
to imagine a positive interaction, or whether this
was not specified.
Does it matter what participants in the control condition
do? When calculating effect sizes on the basis of a
comparison between two groups, it is important
to consider the quality of the control condition. If
an intervention is very effective when compared
to one type of control group, but less effective
when compared to another, this may suggest possible alternative explanations. For example, where
one group is asked to imagine a positive interaction with an outgroup member and is then compared with another group which does nothing,
any differences in intergroup bias between the
two groups could be attributable to the general
effect of imagined social interaction, or to positive affect. However, if the second group is asked
to imagine a positive interaction with a
nonoutgroup member, these explanations are
effectively controlled for, representing a more
stringent test of the hypothesis (and, potentially, a
smaller effect size). We examined the control conditions in our included studies, and found that
they could be categorized into four types: (a)
imagine contact with a nonoutgroup member, (b)
imagine a neutral scene, (c) think about the outgroup, and (d) no task.
Does elaboration improve the effectiveness of imagined
contact? Husnu and Crisp (2010a) found that an
elaborated version of the imagined contact task
(where participants thought about specifically
when and where the imagined interaction took
place) enhanced the effect of imagined contact
on anxiety, attitudes, and intentions towards the
outgroup. The reason why elaborated imagined
contact should enhance intentions was derived
from research showing that when we make more
detailed plans, this provides an available behavioral script that can provide the cognitive roadmap
for future behaviors (Gollwitzer, 1993). The elaborated instructions should therefore have a
greater impact on intentions because they help
participants to create a more cue-rich simulation
that makes the imagined behavior subsequently
more available at the judgmental phase. More
general research on mental simulation supports
this hypothesized relationship between elaboration and future behavior. For many situations we
have a behavioral script, and the more elaborate
and detailed the script, the stronger its impact on
subsequent attitudes and behavior (Anderson,
1983; Ross, Lepper, & Hubbard, 1975). Therefore, it seems likely that studies which include
greater elaboration will obtain larger effects. We
found that studies varied in a number of ways in
terms of the level of elaboration specified by
their imagined contact instructions, and coded
four variables accordingly: the amount of detail
provided about the situation or context of the
imagined interaction, the amount of detail specified about the outgroup target, the amount of time
participants spent imagining contact, and whether
participants described what they had imagined after
the manipulation.
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Miles and Crisp
Publication Bias, or the File Drawer
Problem
intergroup bias. We employed the following inclusion criteria in order to select these studies.
Finally, as with all reviews, our overall effect sizes
need to be considered in light of the “file drawer
problem” (Rosenthal, 1979)—the likelihood that
additional studies have been conducted on imagined contact, but neither been published nor
made available to us. To quantify the impact of
the file-drawer problem on our findings, we
sought both published and unpublished studies
(with the final sample containing 50% of each
type), and coded publication status as a potential
moderator of effect size. We also conducted a
number of different analyses to assess the potential size and impact of publication bias on our set
of studies, including fail-safe N, Egger’s regression, and trim and fill analyses.
Criterion 1. The study included an experimental
manipulation of imagined contact, as defined by
Crisp and Turner (“the mental simulation of a
social interaction with a member or members of
an outgroup category”; 2009, p. 234). In order to
be eligible, the manipulation had to include both
the mental simulation and the interaction components. Therefore, studies where contact was not
real, but where participants believed it was, were
excluded because they did not include the simulation component (e.g., Finchilescu, 2010; Vorauer,
Hunter, Main, & Roy, 2000, Study 2; e.g., interacting with an outgroup member via an Internet
chat room, where the outgroup members’
responses were programmed via computer). Furthermore, studies in which participants mentally
simulated an outgroup member but did not imagine interacting with that outgroup member were
excluded because they did not include the interaction component (e.g., taking the perspective of an
outgroup member, Todd et al., 2011; imagining
being in the presence of an outgroup member,
Desforges et al., 1997; imagining a counterstereotypic outgroup member, Blair, Ma, & Lenton,
2001). We also further specified that the interaction must occur between the participant and the
outgroup member; therefore, studies in which
participants mentally simulated social interactions
that did not involve themselves were excluded
(e.g., watching or reading about ingroup–outgroup interactions; Cameron et al., 2006; Mazziotta, Mummendey, & Wright, 2011). Thus, we
limited our analysis to studies which met the strict
definition of imagined intergroup contact, and
excluded studies on various related constructs
such as counterstereotypic mental imagery (Blair
et al., 2001), perspective taking (Todd, Hanko,
Galinsky, & Mussweiler, 2011), vicarious contact
(Mazziotta et al., 2011) and experimental extended
contact (Cameron et al., 2006).
Summary of Aims
In this meta-analysis, we draw upon 71 published
and unpublished studies to present a comprehensive assessment of the size and variability of
imagined contact effects, their relative size across
different measures of intergroup bias, their universality across participant groups and outgroups,
and whether there are any necessary or facilitating
conditions in order for them to occur.
Method
Inclusion Criteria
We adopted an inclusive approach when searching
for studies, both to ensure that our effect sizes
represented a comprehensive assessment of the
effectiveness of imagined contact, and to address
concerns over whether the imagined contact
effect is only apparent for certain groups of people or under certain circumstances (Bigler &
Hughes, 2010). Thus, we included any study, published or unpublished, which randomly assigned
one group of participants to imagine positive or
neutral contact with an outgroup, assigned another
group of participants to complete an alternative
task, and included a subsequent measure of
Criterion 2. As there is a theoretical and empirical
basis to suggest that negative imagined contact is
ineffective or even harmful (Crisp & Turner,
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8
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
2009; see also Harwood, Paolini, Joyce, Rubin, &
Arroyo, 2011; West et al., 2011), we did not
include any studies or conditions in which the
interaction was explicitly negative.
Criterion 3. The study had to include a comparison condition, in which participants completed
any task which did not involve imagined contact
with the same outgroup. This criterion was
employed in order to ensure that all our effect
sizes were comparable, in that they represented
the effectiveness of imagined contact on intergroup bias, rather than the relative effectiveness
of one type of imagined contact versus another.
Studies in which all participants imagined contact
with the same outgroup (e.g., Babbitt & Sommers, 2011; Husnu & Crisp, 2011, Experiment 2;
Kuchenbrandt, Eyssel, & Seidel, 2013) were
therefore excluded, as they did not allow us to
calculate an effect size representing the effectiveness of imagined contact.
Criterion 4. The study had to include at least one
measure indicative of intergroup bias, taken after
the imagined contact manipulation. Eligible
dependent variables were measures of emotion,
attitude, behavior, or intended behavior towards
the outgroup (see the following for specific information concerning each category).
Search Strategy
Our primary strategy was to search social scientific databases (PsycInfo, Web of Knowledge) for
studies published before the 6th of June 2013 and
containing any term related to intergroup contact
(e.g., contact, interaction, intergroup, outgroup),
as well as any term related to mental simulation
(e.g., imagine, mental simulation, mental imagery).
To ensure that we did not omit any study which
used nonstandard terms to describe an imagined
contact manipulation, we conducted additional
searches including more general terms which
might be used to describe imagined contact (e.g.,
hypothetical, simulated, vicarious) in conjunction
with terms relating to both contact and outgroups
(e.g., outgroup, ingroup, intercultural, prejudice,
disability, ethnic, nationality, schizophrenia).
We also conducted an extensive search for
unpublished work. To obtain unpublished
research, we (a) searched ProQuest Dissertations
and Theses using the search terms described earlier; (b) contacted the authors of relevant conference papers; and (c) contacted the email listservs
of major social psychological societies (Social for
Personality and Social Psychology, Society of
Experimental Social Psychology, Society for the
Psychological Study of Social Issues) to request
unpublished or in press work.
Finally, we employed ancestry and descendancy
approaches (Johnson & Eagly, 2000) to ensure that
our search included all relevant studies. The reference lists of all papers included in the meta-analysis
were examined, as were later citations of each
paper (retrieved using the Social Sciences Citation
Index and Google Scholar), and later citations of
key theoretical imagined contact papers.
Our search identified 6,490 papers, theses, and
unpublished works. Titles and abstracts were
reviewed independently by two coders in order to
identify potentially relevant studies, and full text
articles were then reviewed independently by two
coders in order to determine eligibility. In total,
we were able to compute effect sizes for 71 independent tests of imagined contact versus a control condition which met our inclusion criteria.
Of these tests, 34 were taken from 24 published
papers, and 37 were taken from unpublished
studies. We were able to calculate precise effect
sizes based on means and standard deviations for
the vast majority of these (67 studies, or 94% of
the total sample), either from information provided in the report or from correspondence with
the authors. For the remainder (6%), effect sizes
were estimated using summary statistics, such as t
values. This resulted in k = 71 separate tests of
imagined contact effects, which were included in
the meta-analysis. Table 1 presents the effect sizes
and characteristics for each of these tests.
Selection of Comparisons Within
Studies
The basis of our effect sizes was a comparison
between an imagined contact condition and a control condition. Where studies included more than
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Miles and Crisp
one experimental or more than one control condition, we adopted a systematic approach in either
selecting or averaging those conditions to compute a single effect size. This was because including two separate effect sizes would violate the
assumptions of independence in meta-analysis.
For studies that included more than one
manipulation of imagined contact, we adopted
the recommended approach of combining
groups in order to create one pair-wise comparison (Higgins & Green, 2009). In other words, we
allowed all manipulations of imagined contact to
contribute to the final effect size, whether or not
they were hypothesized to be effective (e.g., West
& Bruckmüller, 2013, presented imagined contact instructions in either an easy-to-read font or
a hard-to-read font, proposing that imagined
contact would be ineffective in the latter condition; we included both of these conditions when
computing our effect size). In order to compute
combined effect sizes, individual meta-analyses
were performed on data from each study, to
ensure that summary effect sizes were correctly
weighted by the number of participants in each
condition.
However, where studies included multiple
control conditions, we did not simply average
these, as the most stringent test of the imagined
contact hypothesis was provided by a more selective approach. Theoretical predictions suggest
that certain control conditions are likely to inflate
effect sizes; for example, simply thinking about
the target group (Turner et al., 2007, Study 2) may
actually have a negative effect on intergroup bias
(by priming outgroup stereotypes), thus increasing the observed effect size for imagined contact.
Therefore, where studies included multiple control conditions, we selected the condition that
most closely resembled the imagined contact
condition, and used this as the basis for our comparison. Where possible, we selected a control
condition in which participants imagined contact
with a nonoutgroup member (e.g., for Chen &
Mackie, 2013, we chose “imagine contact with a
stranger” rather than “think about Muslims”);
otherwise, where possible, we selected another
control condition which did not involve thinking
about the outgroup (e.g., imagining a neutral
scene). We then empirically assessed the influence
of type of control condition on effect sizes
through moderator analyses.
Coding of Dependent Measures and
Calculation of Effect Sizes
Again, we adopted an inclusive approach when
selecting eligible dependent variables, to provide
the broadest possible test of the imagined contact hypothesis. Thus, any measure related to
intergroup bias was included in our analysis. As
imagined contact may not have the same effect
across different components of intergroup bias,
we coded dependent variables into four categories, to enable us to assess whether imagined contact was equally effective across these categories.
These categories were attitudes, emotions, intentions, and behavior towards the outgroup.
The category attitudes towards the outgroup
included explicit measures of attitudes towards
the outgroup (both cognitive and affective),
measures of implicit attitudes (e.g., implicit association tasks), measures indicative of general outgroup evaluation (e.g., feeling thermometers),
ratings of specific outgroup characteristics (e.g.,
perceived variability, warmth, competence, dangerousness), measures assessing the relationship
between the participant and the outgroup (e.g.,
perceived commonality, inclusion of other in self,
social distance), projection of positive traits to
the outgroup, and measures of stereotyping.
The category emotions towards the outgroup
included measures of intergroup anxiety, ratings
of other intergroup emotions (e.g., trust, anger,
fear), and ratings of general positive or negative
affect towards the outgroup.
The category intended behavior towards the outgroup included measures of future contact intentions, intentions to help an outgroup member,
contact self-efficacy, perceived importance of
contact, self-disclosure, perceived tolerance,
motivation to respond without prejudice,
approach and avoidance tendencies, and measures concerning future interactions (e.g., anticipated enjoyment, uncertainty).
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10
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
Table 1. Characteristics and effect sizes for studies included in the meta-analysis.
Study
Experiment Country Outgroup
N E NC
Effect sizes included
Att
34
61
31
58
29
29
Emot
Asbrock (2012a)
Asbrock (2012b)
Asbrock (2012c)
Asbrock et al. (2013)
Asbrock et al. (2013)
Bajrektarevic et al.
(n.d.)
Bergeron (2012)
Birtel & Crisp (2011)
Birtel & Crisp (2011)
1
1
1
1
2
1
Germany
Germany
-
Other
Weight
Mental illness
Nationality
Ethnic group
Nationality
34
51
29
62
29
27
1
1
5
USA
UK
UK
38 37
17 15
30 31
0.87
−0.37
−0.13 −0.29
Birtel & Crisp (2011)
Birtel & Crisp (2011)
Birtel & Crisp (2011)
Birtel & Crisp (2011)
Birtel & Crisp (2011)
Birtel & Crisp (2011)
Brambilla et al. (2012)
Broad (2011)
Cameron et al. (2011)
Capozza et al. (2013)
Chen, Cook, et al.
(2013)
Chen & Mackie
(2013)
Chen, Richards, et al.
(2013a)
Chen, Richards, et al.
(2013b)
Crisp & Husnu
(2011)
Frye et al. (2012)
7
9
10
11
12
13
1
1
1
1
1
UK
UK
UK
UK
UK
UK
Italy
UK
UK
Italy
USA
Religion
Religion
Sexual
orientation
Religion
Religion
Disability
Religion
Nationality
Disability
Nationality
Mental illness
Disability
Disability
Weight
39
22
21
32
18
30
65
40
63
92
72
−0.56
0.2
0.21
0.09
0.27
−0.07
−0.07
0.49
1.03 −0.45
0.39
0.03
0.07
2
USA
Religion
60 61
0.02
3
USA
Other
75 36
−0.03
4
USA
Other
100 53
−0.01
1
UK
Age
30 30
0.64
1
USA
25 19
1.02
Giacobbe et al.
(2013)
Harwood et al. (2011)
Hughes et al. (2013)
Hughes et al. (2013)
Husnu & Crisp
(2010a)
Husnu & Crisp
(2010b)
Japhet (2010)
Jaworska et al. (2012)
Jaworska et al. (2012)
Jaworska et al. (2013)
Jaworska et al. (2013)
1
Australia
Sexual
orientation
Mental illness
28 27
0.19
1
1
1
1
USA
UK
Nationality
Ethnic group
Age
Religion
42
45
52
16
0.4
0.12
0.59
1
Cyprus
Ethnic group
60 30
1
1
2
1
2
UK
Poland
Poland
Poland
Poland
Mental illness
Religion
Ethnic group
Religion
Ethnic group
26
42
39
63
36
39
24
19
32
18
31
58
40
60
88
26
48
44
52
17
53
44
42
62
40
0.09
0.16
−0.11
0.34
Bhvr
Int
0.34
−0.16
0.3
0.36
0.24
0.68
0.1
0.57
0.1
0.48
0.46
0.13
−0.03
0.33
0.41
0.79
0.69
0.84
0.51
0.11
0.24
−0.25
0.12
0.01
0.11
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0.05
−0.12 −0.06
11
Miles and Crisp
Table 1. (Continued)
Study
Experiment Country Outgroup
N E NC
Effect sizes included
Att
Kuchenbrandt &
Eyssel (2012)
Lai et al. (2013)
Menkinoska (2011)
Miller et al. (2013)
1
Germany Other
1
1
1
USA
Australia
USA
Pagotto et al. (2012)
Slater (2011)
Stathi et al. (in press)
Stathi & Crisp (2008)
Stathi & Crisp (2008)
Stathi et al. (2011)
Stathi et al. (2012)
Turner & Crisp
(2010)
Turner et al. (2007)
Turner et al. (2007)
Turner et al. (2007)
1
1
1
2
3
1
1
1
Italian
UK
UK
UK
UK
UK
UK
UK
1
2
3
UK
UK
UK
Turner & West (2012)
Turner & West (2012)
Turner et al. (2013)
Turner et al. (2013)
1
2
1
2
UK
UK
UK
-
Vezzali, Capozza,
Giovannini, et al.
(2012)
Vezzali, Capozza,
Stathi, et al. (2012)
Vezzali, Crisp, et al.
(2013)
Vezzali, Crisp, et al.
(2013)
Vezzali, Stathi, Crisp,
& Capozza (2013)
Vezzali, Stathi, Crisp,
& Capozza (2013)
Vezzali, Stathi, Crisp,
Giovanni, & Capozza
(2013)
Vezzali, Stathi, Crisp,
Giovanni, Capozza,
& Gaertner (2013)
Vezzali, Stathi, Crisp,
Giovanni, Capozza,
& Gaertner (2013)
Wallace (2010)
1
Italy
Age
Age
Sexual
orientation
Weight
Religion
Nationality
Sexual
orientation
Nationality
1
Italy
1
Ethnic group
Mental illness
Sexual
orientation
Religion
Weight
Ethnic group
Nationality
Nationality
Religion
Mental illness
Age
Emot
26 20
0.69
1.09
272 216
44 22
37 39
0.05
0.41
0.57
0.08
40
21
64
31
49
16
23
13
19
23
65
28
49
16
24
12
0.35
0.25
0.42
−0.13
0.08
0.18
0.86
0.8
0.99
0.53
Bhvr
Int
0.05
0.3
0.38
0.8
0.69
14 14
12 12
14 13
0.05
0.94
0.82
25
20
18
20
25
21
18
21
0.77
1.2
0.89
22 22
0.68
Nationality
17 17
0.31
1.68
Italy
Nationality
15 22
−0.02
0.68
2
-
Nationality
19 21
0.4
1
Italy
Disability
43 38
1.36
1.27
1.3
2
Italy
Nationality
29 31
1.14
0.46
0.72
1
Italy
Other
10 13
1.11
0.98
2
Italy
Nationality
53 52
0.58
0.83
1
Italy
Nationality
50 22
1
UK
Mental illness
30 30
1.43
0.58
0.77
0.97
1.07
0.97
0.92
0.94
1.28
−0.08
0.55
0.54
1.03
0.79
(Continued)
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12
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
Table 1. (Continued)
Study
Experiment Country Outgroup
N E NC
Effect sizes included
Att
West & Bruckmüller
(2013)
West & Bruckmüller
(2013)
West et al. (2011)
West et al. (2011)
West et al. (2011)
West et al. (2011)
Mental illness
1
UK
2
Germany Religion
50 51
−0.05
1
2
3
4
UK
UK
UK
UK
44
24
19
23
−0.28 −0.69
0.73
0.77
0.94
0.77
0.65
0.77
Mental illness
Mental illness
Mental illness
Mental illness
376 132
Emot
43
25
19
24
Bhvr
Int
0.02
Note. Country = nationality of participants, or country where study took place; Outgroup = group with which participants
imagined contact; NE = number of participants in the experimental condition; NC = number of participants in the control
condition; Att = effect size of imagined contact on attitudes; Emot = effect size of imagined contact on emotions; Bhvr =
effect size of imagined contact on behavior; Int = effect size of imagined contact on intended behavior.
Finally, the category behavior towards the outgroup
included measures of actual behavior towards
outgroup members (whether self-reported or
observed), such as seating distance from an outgroup member, making the decision to work with
an outgroup member, self-disclosure to an outgroup member, time spent with outgroup members, and number of outgroup friends formed
after the intervention.
Decisions about which measure belonged in
which category were made independently by two
postgraduate coders, who agreed with high reliability (Cohen’s κ = 0.94). Effect sizes for each
measure were also calculated independently by
both coders (their effect size calculations differed
by less than d = 0.02). In both cases, disagreements or discrepancies were resolved by the first
author. For all dependent variables, effect sizes
were coded such that a positive effect represented
reduced intergroup bias (i.e., more positive attitudes, fewer negative emotions, or increased
intentions for contact).
The majority of the studies included in the
meta-analysis (77%) assessed intergroup bias
using more than one dependent measure. If we
were to include a separate effect size in our metaanalysis for each of these dependent measures,
studies with more measures would have a disproportionate influence on the overall effect size.
This method would also be problematic from a
statistical point of view, as meta-analysis assumes
that each effect size is independent, whereas two
measures taken from the same study will clearly
share variance with one another. The options, as
with multiple conditions, are either to select one
dependent variable or to compute an average.
Consistent with our inclusive approach, we chose
to include all eligible dependent variables and to
compute summary effect sizes. We first computed up to four summary effect sizes for each
study, representing the average effect of imagined
contact on attitudes, emotion, intentions, and
behavior, as applicable. Then, we averaged these
effect sizes into a single overall effect size for
each study, representing an estimate of the effect
of imagined contact across all measures of intergroup bias, with effects on attitude, emotion,
intention, and behavior contributing equally.
Coding and Moderators
We coded a total of 11 group and design characteristics which might moderate the effectiveness of imagined contact. First, we coded the
group characteristics of the outgroup with
which participants imagined contact (ethnic
group, nationality, mental illness, disability, age,
sexual orientation, religion, weight, other);
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13
Miles and Crisp
participant gender (recorded as percentage of
women in the sample); participant nationality
(where this was not reported, we substituted
nationality with the country where the study
took place, if known); and participant age. Age
was coded both as a continuous variable and as
a dichotomous one (children, adults; i.e.,
whether participants were under or over 18).
Second, we coded a number of design characteristics assessing the methodological decisions
made in each study. These were the valence of
the imagined contact (positive, neutral/unspecified); the type of control condition (imagine contact with a nonoutgroup member; imagine a
situation that does not involve contact; think
about the outgroup member; no task); and four
variables relating to the level of elaboration.
These variables were the level of detail participants were given about the context of the imagined scenario (coded on a 5-point scale from
minimal to very detailed); the level of detail participants were given about the outgroup target in the
imagined scenario (coded on a 5-point scale from
minimal to very detailed); the amount of time participants spent imagining contact (in minutes); and
whether participants wrote about or described the
imagined contact afterwards (yes, no).
Coding was performed independently by two
postgraduate students, and a subset of the
papers was also coded by the first author.
Interrater reliability was assessed using Pearson’s
r for the continuous variables and Cohen’s kappa
for the categorical variables. Overall, there was a
high level of agreement between coders (mean
r = 0.89, range 0.78–0.97; mean κ = 0.86, range
0.74–1.00), and disagreements were resolved
through discussion.
Meta-Analytic Strategy
Calculations were performed using STATA
Version 12, and were based on random effects
models. These assume that the true effect size of
imagined contact in each study varies as a function
of differences in study characteristics as well as
sampling error. We computed weighted average
effect sizes using the STATA command metan
(Harris et al., 2008), which implements the random effects model specified by DerSimonian and
Laird (1986). The effect sizes in this analysis were
computed using Cohen’s d (d+), and the standard
errors used to weight each effect size were calculated according to the formula specified by Lipsey
and Wilson (2001). We interpreted these effect
sizes using standard convention (Cohen, 1992), in
which values of 0.2, 0.5, and 0.8 represent small,
medium, and large effect sizes, respectively; these
roughly correspond to Pearson’s r values of 0.1,
0.25, and 0.4. We examined our effect sizes for
outliers, and as no effect sizes exceeded 2.5 standard deviations from the mean (either within each
of the four categories of dependent measure, or
overall), we made no adjustments. However, we
observed that two studies had a sample size over 6
times the average (Chen & Mackie, 2013; Lai et al.,
2013). To ensure that these studies did not contribute disproportionately to the summary effect size,
we capped their sample size at 180 (the size of the
next largest study) when computing the standard
error variable used to weight each effect size.
Heterogeneity was evaluated using Cochran’s
homogeneity Q statistic and the I2 statistic. Where
the Q statistic is significant, this indicates that the
effect of imagined contact across the relevant set
of studies is moderated by factors other than
sampling error. The I2 statistic estimates the percentage of variability in the effect size estimate
that can be attributed to these moderating factors, rather than to sampling error. As a general
guideline, an I2 statistic of 30% to 60% indicates
moderate variability, and over 75% indicates considerable variability (Higgins & Green, 2009).
Moderator analyses were conducted using two
approaches. Our main approach was to employ
metaregression (Thompson & Sharp, 1999),
which can be used to assess the effect of both
continuous and categorical moderators, in order
to assess whether each moderator was associated
with significant variation in the effect size (the
beta and p values in metaregression indicate the
strength and significance of this association,
respectively). These analyses were performed
using the STATA command metareg (Hardbord &
Higgins, 2008). However, where it was most
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14
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
Table 2. Sample-weighted average imagined contact effect as a function of measure of intergroup bias.
Dependent measure
d
k
n
95% CI
χ2
I2
Attitudes
Explicit attitudes
Implicit attitudes
Emotion
Behavior
Intentions
Overall
0.346***
0.364***
0.307*
0.410***
0.459**
0.459***
0.351***
57
52
10
28
10
32
71
4935
4021
1686
1697
530
2076
5770
0.24, 0.45
0.25, 0.48
0.05, 0.58
0.22, 0.61
0.16, 0.76
0.32, 0.59
0.26, 0.44
159.14***
154.85***
32.94***
102.75***
24.74**
68.77***
158.37***
64.8%
67.1%
72.7%
73.7%
63.6%
54.9%
55.8%
Note. CI = confidence interval.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
informative to examine the absolute size of the
imagined contact effect for each level of a moderator rather than to assess whether moderation
was significant, we used meta-analysis (as
described in the previous section) to give an estimate of the magnitude of the size of the imagined contact effect.
Results
Effectiveness of Imagined Contact in
Reducing Intergroup Bias
Meta-analysis showed that imagined contact had
a reliable small-to-medium effect across all measures of intergroup bias (see Table 2). The overall
sample-weighted effect of imagined contact on
intergroup bias was d+ = 0.35 (95% CI [0.26,
0.44]), based on 71 studies and 5,770 participants.
There was significant variation in the effect of
imagined contact across studies (Q[70] = 158.37,
p < .001), with a moderate-to-high level of heterogeneity across studies (I2 = 55.8%). Therefore,
moderator analyses are justified in order to determine the sources of this variability.
We next examined the effect of imagined contact on different types of intergroup bias. The
sample-weighted average effect of imagined contact on attitudes to the outgroup was d+ = 0.35,
with a 95% confidence interval from 0.24 to 0.45,
based on 57 comparisons and a total sample size
of 4,935. We also computed separate effect sizes
based only on explicit or implicit measures of
attitudes; imagined contact had an average effect
size of 0.31 on measures of implicit attitudes,
(95% CI [0.05, 0.58]), and an average effect size
of 0.36 on measures of explicit attitudes (95% CI
[0.25, 0.48]). These effect sizes did not differ
from one another (Q[1] = 0.95, p = .329).
The average effect size of imagined contact
on emotions towards the outgroup was d+ = 0.41,
with a 95% confidence interval from 0.22 to 0.61,
based on 28 comparisons and a total sample size
of 1,697. Imagined contact had a medium effect
on both intentions (d+ = 0.46, 95% CI [0.32,
0.59]) and actual behavior towards the outgroup
(d+ = 0.46, 95% CI [0.16, 0.76]), although far
more studies included a measure of intentions
(32 studies, 2,076 participants) than included a
measure of actual behavior (10 studies, 530
participants).
We also compared the relative effectiveness of
imagined contact between these four types of
intergroup bias. These analyses suggested that
imagined contact had a larger effect on intentions
than on attitudes (Q[1] = 4.04, p = .033), but no
other comparisons approached significance (Qs
< 1.49, ps > .22).
Moderators of the Effectiveness
of Imagined Contact: Group
Characteristics
We evaluated five group characteristics as moderators of the effectiveness of imagined contact
(see Table 3). Across the studies included in our
analysis, dozens of different outgroups were
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15
Miles and Crisp
Table 3. Moderators of the imagined contact effect.
Moderator
Regression
coefficient
Publication status
.244**
(unpublished,
published)
Group characteristics
Percentage of female –.003
participants (range
0–100)
Participant age (range –.025*
5–31)
Adult or child
.495**
participants (adults,
children)
Design characteristics
Valence of imagined
.010
contact (neutral,
positive)
Control condition
(absent, present)
Imagine contact with a –.078
non-outgroup member
Imagine a neutral
.035
scene
Think about the
–.035
outgroup
No task
.137
Level of elaboration
(range 1–5, from minimal
-to very detailed)
Context
.133**
Target
.034
Did participants
–.102
describe what they
imagined? (no, yes)
Time spent imagining
.158
(1 or 2 minutes, over
2 minutes)
I2
Adj R2
0.068, 0.420
52.5%
11.3%
4831
–0.008, 0.002
56.6%
1.28%
54
4050
–0.044, –0.005
56.1%
17.24%
.160
48, 7
3638; 456
0.174, 0.815
55.0%
24.4%
.119
14, 52
948; 3908
–0.227, 0.248
56.0%
–3.14%
.094
43, 28
3331; 2439
–0.266, 0.109
55.7%
0.08%
.094
40, 31
3719; 2051
–0.151, 0.222
56.1%
–1.85%
.178
66, 5
5391; 379
–0.389, 0.320
56.4%
–2.97%
.153
64, 7
4869; 901
–0.167, 0.442
56.2%
–1.61%
.046
.040
.134
71
71
10, 56
5770
5770
730; 4564
0.042, 0.225
–0.046, 0.114
–0.369, 0.165
51.0%
56.1%
56.9%
17.9%
–1.51%
–0.36%
.114
30, 20
1860; 1379
–0.071, 0.388
55.6%
0.98%
Standard
error
k
n
.089
37, 34
3635; 2135
.002
65
.010
95% CI
Note. Columns k and n represent number of studies and number of participants, respectively. Where applicable, these are
reported separately for each level of the moderator variable (indicated in parentheses at the end of each moderator name).
Where a variable is coded as “absent, present,” absent was coded as 0 and present was coded as 1; thus, a positive regression
coefficient indicates that studies in which the variable was present had larger effect sizes, and a negative regression coefficient
indicates that studies where that variable was present had smaller effect sizes.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
represented, including some which were unique
to their specific study. We classified the majority
of the studies (k = 66) into eight outgroup categories, and calculated effect sizes for each of
these categories (see Table 4). Imagined contact
had a positive effect on intergroup bias across all
outgroups, with particularly robust effects for
outgroups based on nationality and age.
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16
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
Table 4. Sample-weighted average imagined contact effect in different participant groups and outgroups.
Group
d
Nationality of participants
UK
0.361***
USA
0.225*
European
0.412***
Other or unknown
0.300***
Outgroup
Ethnic group
0.165
Nationality
0.439***
Mental illness
0.352**
Disability
0.420
Age
0.612***
Sexual orientation
0.592*
Religion
0.224*
Weight
0.234
Other
0.310
k
n
95% CI
χ2
I2
32
9
20
10
1,835
1,643
1,601
691
[0.220, 0.501]
[0.022, 0.428]
[0.231, 0.592]
[0.135, 0.465]
66.3***
18.3*
57.4***
10.5
53.2%
56.3%
66.9%
14.0%
7
15
12
5
5
5
13
4
5
1,011
1,010
789
485
241
249
1,280
304
401
[−0.023, 0.353]
[0.274, 0.604]
[0.115, 0.590]
[−0.018, 0.858]
[0.353, 0.872]
[0.104, 1.081]
[0.038, 0.409]
[−0.062, 0.530]
[−0.058, 0.679]
9.09
22.5
29.2**
21.0***
3.8
13.7**
22.0*
4.5
11.2*
34.0%
37.7%
62.4%
80.9%
0.0%
70.8%
45.4%
33.6%
64.2%
Note. CI = confidence interval.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
The confidence intervals for some outgroups
indicated that there was insufficient evidence for
a significant effect of imagined contact on that
specific outgroup (ethnic group, disability,
weight); however, all of the nonsignificant effect
sizes were based on seven or fewer studies, and
metaregression found that none of the outgroup
categories were associated with significantly
larger or smaller effect sizes than the rest of the
sample as a whole (βs < .303, ps > .130). Thus,
there seem to be no substantive differences in the
effectiveness of imagined contact across outgroups, but there is a need for more studies to
provide evidence for the effectiveness of imagined contact with some specific outgroups.
There was also considerable variation in group
factors relating to the participants themselves.
The studies in our analysis were conducted with
samples from nearly a dozen different countries,
and we found little evidence that imagined contact
was more or less effective across these different
samples. Categorizing studies according to
whether they were performed in the UK, USA,
elsewhere in Europe, or elsewhere in the world,
we found that imagined contact had a significant
effect in all these samples (see Table 4), and
metaregression confirmed that whether a study
was conducted in one of these geographical areas
did not predict significant variation in its effect
size, compared to the rest of the sample (βs <
.138, ps > .268). Likewise, the gender of participants did not moderate the observed effect size
(β = –.003, p = .197).
The effect of imagined contact was reliable
for both children (d+ = 0.81, 95% CI [0.53,
1.09]) and adults (d+ = 0.32, 95% CI [0.21,
0.43]), as neither confidence interval included
zero. Furthermore, within adult participants
only, age did not influence the effectiveness of
imagined contact (β < –.002, p = .866). Age was,
however, a significant moderator when considered as a continuous variable (β = −.025, p =
.013), which appeared to be due to the fact that
the effect of imagined contact was larger in children than in adults, resulting in a significant
moderation of effect size (β = .495, p = .003).
However, we also observed differences in design
characteristics between studies with young participants and studies with adult participants,
which could partly account for this effect. For
example, studies with children tended to be
delivered in multiple sessions, and provided
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17
Miles and Crisp
their participants with significantly more detail
about the imagined interaction than did studies
with adults (t[53] = 2.58, p = .013; see the following section on elaboration).
Moderators of the Effectiveness
of Imagined Contact: Design
Characteristics
We evaluated six design characteristics as moderators of the effectiveness of imagined contact.
Whether participants were asked to imagine contact for longer than 1 or 2 minutes (β = .158, p =
.172), explicitly told they should imagine a positive interaction (β = .010, p = .931), or asked to
describe what they had imagined afterwards (β =
−.102, p = .447) did not influence the effectiveness of imagined contact. Similarly, the level of
detail participants were given about their imagined interaction partner had no influence on
effect size (β = .034, p = .395). Overall, the control condition with which imagined contact was
compared did not significantly influence effect
sizes (βs < .137, ps > .372; see Table 3).
However, the amount of detail participants
were given about the context of the imagined
interaction significantly moderated how effective it was at reducing intergroup bias (β = .133,
p = .005). In the 30 studies which provided participants with no information or minimal information about the situation they should imagine,
the average effect size was 0.21 (95% CI [0.09,
0.33], p = .001); in the 41 studies which provided
more detailed information, effect size was 0.46
(95% CI [0.34, 0.58], p < .001).
Publication Bias
Given that our analysis included a large number
of both unpublished and published studies, we
were able to assess the impact of publication status on effect size and to quantify the effect size
within both types of study. Publication status was
a significant moderator of the observed effect size
(β = .244, p = .007). Imagined contact had a small
effect in unpublished studies (d+ = 0.24, 95% CI
[0.13, 0.35]), and a medium effect in published
studies (d+ = 0.49, 95% CI [0.36, 0.62]). Thus,
while the effect was significantly larger in published studies, the effect of imagined contact was
reliable in both published and unpublished studies, as neither confidence interval includes zero.
We also computed further analyses to assess
the likelihood that yet more unpublished studies
exist, and to quantify the possible implications
for the size of our observed imagined contact
effect. We assessed bias in our effect sizes using
three methods, which all had converging results: a
significant correlation between effect size and
sample size (r[69] = −.32, p = .006), significant
bias on an Egger’s regression (β = 3.06, p < .001),
and inspection of the funnel plot (see Figure 1).
As a whole, these results suggest that small studies with small positive or negative effect sizes are
underrepresented in our sample, and that the
smaller studies in our sample were more likely to
display positive effect sizes.
The relevance of these results to our findings
is that if additional unpublished studies have
been conducted but did not show up in our literature search, then the true effect of imagined contact could be smaller than we believe it to be
(although it should be noted that publication bias
is not the only possible explanation for small study
effects). However, it is also possible to allay these
concerns by performing additional analyses to
determine whether our results are indeed resistant to publication bias. Accordingly, using the
trim and fill procedure (Duval & Tweedie, 2000),
we found that the effect of imagined contact
remained significant when 16 small studies with
negative effect sizes were imputed (resulting in an
overall effect size of d+ = 0.22, 95% CI [0.13,
0.32]). In addition, fail safe N (Rosenthal, 1979)
indicated that 3,481 studies with null effects
would need to exist in order to overturn the conclusion that imagined contact has a significant
effect on intergroup bias, which greatly exceeds
the recommended value of 5n + 10 (which
equates to 365 for our meta-analysis). Therefore,
the overall effect of imagined contact is reliable
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18
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
Figure 1. Funnel plot of effect sizes (d) for imagined contact, across all measures of intergroup bias.
despite the small study effects, and appears to be
resistant to any publication bias. We conclude
that, while unpublished studies in our sample do
have smaller effects than published ones, and
while it is likely that yet more unpublished studies
exist in file drawers, the effect of imagined contact on intergroup bias is robust.
General Discussion
This meta-analytic review provides the first quantitative tests of the effectiveness of imagined
contact on four key measures of intergroup bias:
attitudes, emotions, intentions, and behavior.
Overall, the effects of imagined contact appear to
parallel those of direct contact: there is a clear
and robust effect on all dependent measures, and
while some group or design characteristics facilitate the effect, none of them appear capable of
eliminating it. Furthermore, just as Pettigrew and
Tropp (2006) observed that contact situations
which met Allport’s desirable criteria were more
effective, but that even situations that did not
meet those criteria were associated with reduced
prejudice, so we found that imagined contact was
effective even when our significant moderators
were absent. For example, while giving participants more detail about the to-be-imagined interaction resulted in a larger impact on intergroup
bias, significant reductions in bias were also
observed in studies which gave participants little
or no detail. Similarly, while the effect of imagined contact was larger in children than in adults,
the effect was still robust and significant in adults.
Moderators of the Imagined Contact
Effect
Type of dependent measure. Our analysis revealed an
overall significant impact of imagined contact on
all dependent variables, and for both published
and unpublished studies. In particular, we
observed no significant difference between the
effects on implicit and explicit attitudes, a finding
that has significant theoretical implications, particularly for the debate over the role of demand
characteristics in imagined contact effects (cf.
Bigler & Hughes, 2010). In combination with the
highly significant effect of imagined contact on
actual behavior, this provides the most convincing
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Miles and Crisp
evidence to date that demand characteristics cannot account for imagined contact effects. It is
highly unlikely that participants would have been
able to modify their responses on such implicit
tasks even if they were able to guess the hypothesis. Furthermore, the observation of a clear imagined contact effect in studies employing measures
of subtle nonverbal behavior, assessed by independent coders (Birtel & Crisp, 2012a; Turner &
West, 2012) further strengthens this assertion.
Thus, our results appear to dispel the demand
characteristics critique.
Effect sizes were similar across most dependent variables. However, we did observe that
imagined contact has a stronger effect on behavioral intentions than on attitudes (the effect of
imagined contact on actual behavior was identical to the effect on intentions, but due to the
smaller number of studies, the comparison with
attitudes was not significant). This is consistent
with the wider literature on mental simulation,
in particular with evidence that mental simulation taps directly into the neurological architecture involved in action initiation (e.g., Kosslyn,
Ganis, & Thompson, 2001). It is also consistent
with research on the “perception–behavior
expressway” (Dijksterhuis, Bargh, & Mark,
2001), which has demonstrated that activating
representations in memory can automatically
activate the associated behaviors. Through these
processes, we suggest that imagined contact may
operate at a different psychological stage to
other attitude change interventions. Whereas
attitude change interventions first change attitudes, and then exert their impact on behavior
through intentions (Ajzen, 1991), imagined contact arguably intervenes at a point more proximal to actual behavior. Thus, it may eventually
be found to have an advantage over prejudicereduction interventions that focus instead on
changing precursors of behavioral intention.
Group characteristics. We observed little variation
in the imagined contact effect across a broad
range of participant groups and target outgroups,
although nonsignificant effects were observed
for some groups, in particular those based on
ethnicity. This could be because prejudices against
these groups are stronger and more embedded in
the culture, meaning that elaborated variants of
imagined contact are needed to overcome bias in
these settings. On the other hand, there were few
studies with this type of outgroup (N = 7), so the
absence of an effect here could simply be due to
low power. Either way, the clear implication is
that more research is needed into the effects of
imagining contact with other ethnic groups.
Another important observation arising from
our analysis is that the imagined contact effect is
stronger for children than adults. This makes
sense: at school age, children are at a formative
stage where imagery is a key component of how
they learn about the world (Cameron & Rutland,
2006; Cameron et al., 2006). This finding that
imagined contact is not only effective in children, but is actually more powerful, may be
related to the typical features of the interventions used with school-age children, as well as to
their age. Such interventions are typically more
involved than those used with adults, often
occurring over multiple sessions (e.g., three sessions in Vezzali, Capozza, Giovannini, et al.,
2012) with highly elaborated instructions.
Although no study has directly compared multiple sessions of imagined contact with the relatively brief instructions typically given to adults
in the laboratory, this chimes with our metaanalytic finding that elaborated instructions are
more powerful. While this type of extended and
detailed task is partly a consequence of the
requirements and constraints of the educational
setting, it is possible that an extended program
of imagined contact may also reinforce and sustain the effect in adults, and it is also reassuring
that these studies find results extended over
weeks, rather than the typical single session in
adult studies (e.g., Brambilla et al., 2012; Crisp &
Husnu, 2011; Turner et al., 2007).
The confirmation that imagined contact works
well in school contexts has important practical
implications for extending the application and
impact of imagined contact. As discussed by
Crisp and Turner (2012, 2013), the majority of
programs used to reduce prejudice in educational
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Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
settings, such as the multicultural curricula
approach (Appl, 1996) and the antiracist approach
(Dei, 1996), are not developed from evidencebased theory (Aboud & Levy, 2000). While educational psychologists advocate active thought
over more passive approaches (Randi & Corno,
2000), existing programs often rely on outdated
assumptions that children are passive recipients
of information. Thus, they may fail to reduce
prejudice in children for the same reason that
passive programs often fail to change attitudes in
adults; because the attitude-incongruent information is forgotten, distorted, or ignored (Rothbart
& John, 1985). Imagined contact presents an
active, evidence-based approach which may offer
the means of effectively implementing contact
theory in an educational setting.
Design characteristics. While few design factors influenced the effectiveness of imagined contact, we
found that the effect was stronger when participants were instructed to elaborate on the context
within which the imagined interaction took place
(exemplified by the instructional set developed by
Husnu & Crisp, 2010a). This finding has practical
implications for the implementation of imagined
contact to reduce prejudice, and is also consistent
with the wider literature on mental simulation. In
particular, researchers in the mental simulation literature have proposed that effects of mental
imagery on behavior occur through the availability
of mental scripts or cognitive representations of
sequences of behaviors (Schank & Abelson, 1977).
As discussed earlier, there is evidence that the
more elaborate and detailed the script, the stronger
the impact on subsequent attitudes and behavior
(Anderson, 1983; Ross et al., 1975). Thus, our findings are consistent both with previous research on
simulation and with the proposition that imagined
contact may work by forming a mental script. Further investigating this and other mechanisms
underlying the imagined contact effect is an important focus for future work.
Contrary to theoretical predictions, positive
imagined contact was no more effective than neutral imagined contact. The majority of our included
studies specified that the imagined contact should
be positive, consistent with theoretical recommendations (Crisp & Turner, 2009), yet those studies
that did not specify the valence of the effect still
obtained reliable imagined contact results, which
were not significantly smaller. Pettigrew and Tropp
(2006) found that contact reduced prejudice even
in nonideal circumstances, proposing a “mere
exposure effect” of contact on prejudice. It is possible that there may also be a mere imagined exposure
effect on prejudice, whereby thinking about any
type of imagined interaction has a beneficial effect.
However, there is also evidence that negative imagined contact may actually increase rather than
decrease intergroup bias (e.g., Harwood et al.,
2011; West et al., 2011), which stands against this
hypothesis. Given this evidence, it is possible that
effects of valence appear only when interactions
have a strong emotional tone (i.e., a mildly positive
interaction works just as well as a neutral one; most
“positive” imagined contact studies provide only
minimal specification, e.g., by including the word
“positive” in their instructions). Alternatively, participants may tend to imagine a positive interaction
even when they are not asked to do so, rather than
relying on negative stereotypes to populate their
imagination (as originally suggested by Crisp &
Turner, 2009). Perhaps negative stereotypes define
imagined interactions only in the most intractable
intergroup conflicts, or when imagining interactions with the most feared or hated outgroups.
Future research may wish to take a more controlled
and systematic approach to the valence of imagined contact, by comparing the effects of more
nuanced instructions (e.g., mildly positive vs. very
positive), and by including postmanipulation
checks to determine whether the valence of the
actual imagined interaction was consistent with the
instructions.
Future Directions
In addition to the moderators assessed in our
analysis, there are other factors which may influence the effectiveness of imagined contact, but
which we were unable to assess due to lack of
variability across studies. For example, we know
little about the duration of imagined contact
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Miles and Crisp
effects over time, which is an important direction
for future research. To date, few studies have
introduced a delay between performing imagined
contact and measuring intergroup bias (but see
Husnu & Crisp, 2010b; Vezzali, Capozza,
Giovannini, et al., 2012; Vezzali, Capozza, Stathi,
et al., 2012). Our findings and recommendations
parallel those of Pettigrew and Troop (2006),
who called for more research on the duration of
direct contact effects, citing the relative lack of
longitudinal studies.
Additionally, many other moderators have
been suggested by previous theoretical work, but
have not been investigated in sufficient numbers
to permit moderator analyses; for example, the
effect of third- versus first-person perspective
has been investigated in only one study (Crisp &
Husnu, 2011). Indeed, many of the studies
included in this meta-analysis aimed to compare
the effect of different types of imagined contact,
in order to test hypotheses about moderators of
the effect. So far, researchers have identified a
number of design characteristics that appear to
influence the size of the effect, but for which
there are not yet enough studies for meta-analysis
(e.g., providing participants with information
about the typicality of the outgroup target; Stathi
et al., 2011). Researchers have also identified participant characteristics which influence the size
of the imagined contact effect, such as majority
versus minority status (Stathi & Crisp, 2008) and
authoritarianism (Asbrock et al., 2013). We recommend, consistent with the conclusions of
Pettigrew and Tropp (2006), that the investigation of moderating variables continues to be a
direction for future research.
Finally, the conception of imagined contact as
not only a direct method of reducing prejudice,
but also a method of reducing barriers to future
contact and improving the likelihood that contact
will go well, leads to a number of predictions for
future tests. For instance, imagined contact
should increase the likelihood of engaging in
direct contact in the “real world,” improve the
quality of that contact, and make that contact
more effective in reducing prejudice. Additionally,
the previous finding that attitudes predict
behavior more strongly when the person has
direct experience with the attitude object
(Glasman & Albarracín, 2006) leads to a related
prediction: that imagined contact may be most
effective either when participants have already
had past contact with the outgroup, or in combination with direct contact (for initial findings in
this regard, see Husnu & Crisp, 2010a). As
research combining elements of mental simulation with perspective taking has also shown
promising results with respect to prejudice reduction (Hodson, Choma, & Costello, 2009), we also
suggest this as a promising focus for future
research into augmenting and strengthening the
imagined contact effect.
Conclusion
In Graham Greene’s The Power and the Glory, set in
Mexico during a time of religious persecution,
the protagonist concluded that “Hate was just a
failure of imagination” (1940, p. 131). In this
meta-analysis, we demonstrate that through imagination, meaningful reductions in prejudice can
be obtained. Our key finding of a clear, overall
moderate effect of imagined contact on all
dependent variables parallels Pettigrew and
Tropp’s (2006) meta-analysis of direct contact
effects. Across diverse participant groups,
dependent measures, and experimental designs,
imagined contact leads to reduced intergroup
bias; and, like direct contact, imagined contact
“applies beyond racial and ethnic groups to
embrace other types of groups as well” (2006, p.
768), with significant effects across diverse
outgroups.
Our finding that imagining an intergroup
encounter has reliable effects not only on attitudes and emotions towards that group, but also
on intentions and behavior, means there is great
potential for imagined contact as a tool to
improve intergroup relations. Echoing Pettigrew
and Tropp, we recommend that researchers continue to explore the influence of “individual,
structural and normative antecedents of the contact” (2006, p. 768; see also Brown & Hewstone,
2005), which are largely uninvestigated at the
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Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17(1)
present time. Overall, we recommend that future
research move beyond the debate about whether
imagined contact works, or whether it is a “real”
effect, to focus on what prevents it from working,
and what facilitates its effectiveness, in different
contexts and with different groups.
Acknowledgements
We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Carla
Chivers and Laura Di Bella in coding studies. We would
also like to thank the authors of the papers included
in this review for providing us with unpublished data
and responding to requests for additional information.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit
sectors.
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