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Nixon #3
Nixon, Vol. 3: Ruin and Recovery, 1973-1990
Watergate is a story of high drama and low skulduggery, of lies and bribes, of greed and lust for power. With access to the central characters, the public papers, and the trials transcripts, Ambrose explains how Nixon destroyed himself through a combination of arrogance and indecision, allowing a "third-rate burglary" to escalate into a scandal that overwhelmed his presidency. Within a decade and a half however, Nixon had become one of America's elder statesmen, respected internationally and at home even by those who had earlier clamoured loudest for his head. This is the story of Nixon's final fall from grace and astonishing recovery.
667 pages, Hardcover
First published November 15, 1991
About the author
Stephen E. Ambrose
195 books2,123 followersStephen Edward Ambrose was an American historian and biographer of U.S. Presidents Dwight Eisenhower and Richard M. Nixon. He received his Ph.D. in 1960 from the University of Wisconsin-Madison. In his final years he faced charges of plagiarism for his books, with subsequent concerns about his research emerging after his death.
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June 6, 2018
https://bestpresidentialbios.com/2018...
“Nixon: Ruin and Recovery 1973-1990” is the third and final volume in Stephen Ambrose’s series on Richard Nixon. Ambrose was a historian, prolific author and one of the best-known biographers of Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon. Shortly before his death in 2002, allegations of plagiarism and exaggeration surfaced which have tarnished his reputation.
Like the preceding volumes in this series, “Ruin and Recovery” is far more accessible than its hefty 597 pages of text might suggest. Credit is due primarily to the straightforward and unpretentious writing style which permeates the series. Each of the volumes exhibits remarkable balance, careful – and strictly chronological – organization and an unusually coherent (if somewhat prosaic) voice.
Published in 1991, this concluding volume covers the second term of Richard Nixon’s presidency and the majority of his post-presidency. Because Nixon died in 1994, the final three years of his life is uncovered. More importantly, the evolution of Nixon’s legacy over the past quarter-century also escapes examination.
About 450 pages carry the reader from Nixon’s re-election in 1972 to his resignation in 1974. Because Watergate dominated these years, it is extremely thoroughly covered in this volume. It is also quite well-covered. Of all the Nixon biographies I have read, I can think of no better detailed review of Watergate than that found here (and in Volume 2). Readers seeking an efficient review of Watergate, however, will need to look elsewhere.
The chapter covering October 1973 (which includes the Saturday Night Massacre) is among the best in the book; it is fascinating, intriguing, infuriating and often depressing. A later chapter reviewing Nixon’s final days in office is also quite gripping…and shows Ambrose’s writing near its best and most engaging. But the most provocative and thought-provoking chapter is the Epilogue in which Ambrose considers Nixon’s character, his reputation and the impact of his resignation on the country.
Other than the book’s lack of greater separation from Nixon and his era, its most obvious shortcoming is that it often feels more like an interesting history text than a colorful presidential biography. Watergate, rather than Nixon, often seems to be the primary subject of the book and Ambrose never writes with a vivid narrative flair. His literary style is unobtrusive and matter-of-fact, not elegantly descriptive.
Also likely to irritate some readers of the series is Ambrose’s seemingly premeditated ambivalence toward his subject. While Nixon provokes a strong reaction for most people, Ambrose appears to go out of his way to balance scorn and admiration. Not until the last sentence of the series do we learn which way the scale finally tips: “When Nixon resigned, we lost more than we gained.”
Overall, “Nixon: Ruin and Recovery 1973-1990” proves a satisfying conclusion to Ambrose’s 1,933-page series. Despite the handicap of being written during Nixon’s lifetime, this volume admirably summarizes the end of his presidency and his retirement years and thoughtfully ponders his legacy. With a healthy dose of Chernow’s or McCullough’s engaging and descriptive writing style this series might have been nearly perfect.
Overall rating: 4 stars
“Nixon: Ruin and Recovery 1973-1990” is the third and final volume in Stephen Ambrose’s series on Richard Nixon. Ambrose was a historian, prolific author and one of the best-known biographers of Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon. Shortly before his death in 2002, allegations of plagiarism and exaggeration surfaced which have tarnished his reputation.
Like the preceding volumes in this series, “Ruin and Recovery” is far more accessible than its hefty 597 pages of text might suggest. Credit is due primarily to the straightforward and unpretentious writing style which permeates the series. Each of the volumes exhibits remarkable balance, careful – and strictly chronological – organization and an unusually coherent (if somewhat prosaic) voice.
Published in 1991, this concluding volume covers the second term of Richard Nixon’s presidency and the majority of his post-presidency. Because Nixon died in 1994, the final three years of his life is uncovered. More importantly, the evolution of Nixon’s legacy over the past quarter-century also escapes examination.
About 450 pages carry the reader from Nixon’s re-election in 1972 to his resignation in 1974. Because Watergate dominated these years, it is extremely thoroughly covered in this volume. It is also quite well-covered. Of all the Nixon biographies I have read, I can think of no better detailed review of Watergate than that found here (and in Volume 2). Readers seeking an efficient review of Watergate, however, will need to look elsewhere.
The chapter covering October 1973 (which includes the Saturday Night Massacre) is among the best in the book; it is fascinating, intriguing, infuriating and often depressing. A later chapter reviewing Nixon’s final days in office is also quite gripping…and shows Ambrose’s writing near its best and most engaging. But the most provocative and thought-provoking chapter is the Epilogue in which Ambrose considers Nixon’s character, his reputation and the impact of his resignation on the country.
Other than the book’s lack of greater separation from Nixon and his era, its most obvious shortcoming is that it often feels more like an interesting history text than a colorful presidential biography. Watergate, rather than Nixon, often seems to be the primary subject of the book and Ambrose never writes with a vivid narrative flair. His literary style is unobtrusive and matter-of-fact, not elegantly descriptive.
Also likely to irritate some readers of the series is Ambrose’s seemingly premeditated ambivalence toward his subject. While Nixon provokes a strong reaction for most people, Ambrose appears to go out of his way to balance scorn and admiration. Not until the last sentence of the series do we learn which way the scale finally tips: “When Nixon resigned, we lost more than we gained.”
Overall, “Nixon: Ruin and Recovery 1973-1990” proves a satisfying conclusion to Ambrose’s 1,933-page series. Despite the handicap of being written during Nixon’s lifetime, this volume admirably summarizes the end of his presidency and his retirement years and thoughtfully ponders his legacy. With a healthy dose of Chernow’s or McCullough’s engaging and descriptive writing style this series might have been nearly perfect.
Overall rating: 4 stars
March 7, 2018
Nixon Volume 3 is the final act of an epic journey.
The book focuses heavily on the Watergate Scandal. I'ts a tale of an exhausted, wounded and restless political beast fighting the fight of its life.
Overall I found the book well written with interesting quotes from Nixon's allies and foes (most of all, Goldwater, Reagan, Bush, Ford, Buchanan). Nevertheless, the (almost) day to day coverage of the 19 month long media frenzy of the scandal felt sometimes tedious.
The part after his resignation was a more enjoyable read. Nixon had a lot of baggage and experience after 35 years in politics so his rehabilitation as an elder statesman is fascinating.
Recently, thanks to the Mueller Investigation, media outlets like to compare Trump to Nixon as if both presidents were similar in many ways.
After reading biographies of both men, I think they are not;
Nixon rose from rural poverty to attend law school on a scholarship. Trump was born wealthy in NYC and got into university on a donation his dad gave to the faculty. Nixon quit his job to enroll in the Navy after Pearl Harbor. Trump got a few deferments during the Vietnam War thanks to a fake foot problem. Nixon got into politics in his early 30's on the advice of local business men tired of the New Deal policies, subsequently becoming congressman, senator, vice president and president. Trump never held office until unexpectedly win the presidency in his 70's after a stunt to boost his brand and viewership. Nixon never had any sexual scandal. Trump built a reputation as a playboy. I find much more similarities with the career and character of LBJ than Trump's.
In the final chapter, the author offers some interesting thoughts about the 37th president:
''How did he keep coming back? First, Nixon was tough, the toughest man in american politics in his day. The source of that toughness lay in the struggles of his early years, tempered by the struggles of his middle years, hardened by the struggles of his White House years. He never expected life to be easy, and it never was; he never expected to have anything given to him, and it never was. (...) In a later interview, Nixon expanded on the theme. ''To me, the unhappiest people of the world are those in the watering places, ... drinking too much, talking too much, thinking too little... they don't know life. Because what makes life mean something is purpose. A goal. The battle. The struggle. Even if you don't win it.'' ''
The book focuses heavily on the Watergate Scandal. I'ts a tale of an exhausted, wounded and restless political beast fighting the fight of its life.
Overall I found the book well written with interesting quotes from Nixon's allies and foes (most of all, Goldwater, Reagan, Bush, Ford, Buchanan). Nevertheless, the (almost) day to day coverage of the 19 month long media frenzy of the scandal felt sometimes tedious.
The part after his resignation was a more enjoyable read. Nixon had a lot of baggage and experience after 35 years in politics so his rehabilitation as an elder statesman is fascinating.
Recently, thanks to the Mueller Investigation, media outlets like to compare Trump to Nixon as if both presidents were similar in many ways.
After reading biographies of both men, I think they are not;
Nixon rose from rural poverty to attend law school on a scholarship. Trump was born wealthy in NYC and got into university on a donation his dad gave to the faculty. Nixon quit his job to enroll in the Navy after Pearl Harbor. Trump got a few deferments during the Vietnam War thanks to a fake foot problem. Nixon got into politics in his early 30's on the advice of local business men tired of the New Deal policies, subsequently becoming congressman, senator, vice president and president. Trump never held office until unexpectedly win the presidency in his 70's after a stunt to boost his brand and viewership. Nixon never had any sexual scandal. Trump built a reputation as a playboy. I find much more similarities with the career and character of LBJ than Trump's.
In the final chapter, the author offers some interesting thoughts about the 37th president:
''How did he keep coming back? First, Nixon was tough, the toughest man in american politics in his day. The source of that toughness lay in the struggles of his early years, tempered by the struggles of his middle years, hardened by the struggles of his White House years. He never expected life to be easy, and it never was; he never expected to have anything given to him, and it never was. (...) In a later interview, Nixon expanded on the theme. ''To me, the unhappiest people of the world are those in the watering places, ... drinking too much, talking too much, thinking too little... they don't know life. Because what makes life mean something is purpose. A goal. The battle. The struggle. Even if you don't win it.'' ''
December 21, 2020
This is Stephen Ambrose's final volume in his trilogy on Richard Nixon, covering Watergate, Nixon's resignation, his years in exile, and his carefully-crafted comeback. This was written in 1991, three years before Nixon's death. While the title indicates that this book starts with 1973, it actually begins the morning after Nixon's landslide win over George McGovern in November 1972, with Nixon calling his Cabinet together and telling everyone that he expects their resignations immediately. So much for loyalty.
Ambrose does spend a bit of time showing the wrap-up of American involvement in the Vietnam War. But his second term is almost immediately consumed with Watergate. Ambrose takes readers through the continuing efforts at cover-up, showing how Nixon threw everyone (Haldeman, Erlichman, Mitchell, Colson, Liddy, Dean, etc...) to the wolves in an unsuccessful attempt to save himself. Not as many tapes had been released at the time that Ambrose wrote this as compared to now, but the major ones concerning the "smoking gun" and pivotal conversations that Nixon had with his aides were available. Just reading the transcripts, there is no doubt whatsoever that Nixon attempted a cover-up. His own words on his own tapes damn him more than anyone else could. Yet, Nixon never admitted culpability. He refused, even long after he had resigned. He had too much pride to ever admit otherwise.
Generally, Ambrose strives to be neutral towards Nixon (as far as that is possible for anyone to do). However, around the middle point of the book, he seems to step into the pro-Nixon camp. On page 252, he wonders about Nixon's drinking and if it was a serious problem: "It is this author's opinion that his drinking was not a problem for Nixon.... Indeed, it is remarkable how little he relied on drugs or booze to get through such great physical and emotional stress, how much he drew on his own strength." What is this view based on? On page 316 he calls him "an extraordinary man." Well, yes, he was. But not always in a positive way. Then just three pages later he comments about Nixon giving a speech at the National War College: "Taken altogether it was a bravura performance, showing once again the great inner strength of this man, able to keep his chin up despite body blows that would have felled an ox." Really? That seems to be laying it on a bit thick.
But shortly after that, Ambrose grows decidedly less friendly towards Nixon. (I want to note that I was not eager for Ambrose to be negative or positive on Nixon, just fair - which would mean a combination of both.) As Nixon loses control of his administration in 1974, Ambrose calls him out for it, especially in how he treated his family. His daughter, Julie, went around the country speaking out on his behalf and defending him. And his wife, Pat, got blitzed with hostile questions about Watergate constantly, yet she too never wavered in her support of Nixon. Yet, and to me this says so much about his character, Nixon had not shared with them that he 1) taped their conversations, and 2) did engage in a cover-up. He let his wife and his daughter defend him on grounds that he himself knew were false. Who does that?
The disrespect continues after his resignation, only this time the recipient is Gerald Ford. In deciding to pardon Nixon a month after he resigned, Ford opened himself up to howls of protest about there being some kind of secret deal that allowed him to become Vice President following Spiro Agnew's resignation in 1973 in exchange for being willing to pardon Nixon. I think this decision, more than anything else, probably cost Ford election in 1976, although we will never know for sure. But Nixon, instead of being grateful that Ford pulled him out of the fire, instead treated him as someone not quite worthy of the job. He called him "Jerry" instead of "Mr. President", even though Nixon allowed nobody outside his immediate family to call him anything other than that. Nixon misspelled his name ("Gerry") on a letter. Nixon undercut him by going to China on his own in 1976 during the Republican primary season. Nixon offered, at best, tepid support for Ford in his struggle with Ronald Reagan for the Republican nomination. In short, Nixon was more or less a jerk to Ford. It is another example of how Nixon was first and foremost concerned with himself.
That behavior continued into his forced retirement. Ambrose chronicles Nixon's slow comeback, and how he carefully manipulated the media and politicians over the next decade until he could claim the mantle of "elder statesman". Nixon wrote a lot of books, which Ambrose does a good job of analyzing, in which he repeatedly writes about his own achievements while skirting around Watergate, blaming it on the Democrats and the media. Ambrose also reviews the long struggle that Nixon waged against the government for control of his presidential records, papers, and the tapes. Nixon was involved in constant litigation over these items, which resulted in the construction of his Library being delayed until 1990. As Ambrose repeatedly shows, it was constantly Nixon vs the World. At least in Nixon's mind.
Ambrose's attempt to be fair to Nixon is appreciated. It is difficult to find books where the author is neither a Nixon-hater nor a sycophant. I want neither. Although honestly it is difficult to stay neutral on Nixon. Even almost 50 years later, he is remains a polarizing figure. Each time you find a positive nugget about him, or think "Well, he was a brilliant strategic thinker" or something along those lines, then you read about things like the ones mentioned above, and you think "What a selfish, paranoid man." On the whole, I have to say that I find him both fascinating and exhausting, but that it is a strain to keep trying to be objective when he hands you so much negative ammunition. He was a deeply flawed man, and Ambrose does a good job of showing that.
Grade: A-
P.S.
About a month ago, shortly after Joe Biden was declared the winner in the 2020 election (and no, he did not "steal" it or whatever else has been falsely alleged), I came across a social media posting that was the recording of a brief phone call that Nixon made to then Senator-elect Biden. This was in December 1972, right after Biden's first wife and his daughter were killed in a car accident. The call lasts about a minute, and it is Nixon telling Biden he should focus on how his wife was able to share with him the great "victory" of being elected to the Senator. Biden, still no doubt in shock, mumbled thank you, and that was about it. There was no "I am so sorry for what happened. What can I do to help? Can I do anything for your sons, since they were injured?" Nothing like that. Instead, it is about winning an election. While this was not related to the book, I wanted to mention it as - to me - it shows the immense contradiction that Nixon himself was. On the one hand, he didn't have to call Biden. He, like most everyone would, probably felt bad for what happened to him. He probably thought that a call from the President might briefly cheer him up. I think it's good that he reached out to Biden. But then on the other hand, he totally bungled it. He displayed little sense of empathy, offered no assistance, and tried to spin it into something concerning politics. As if Biden, or anyone in his situation, would have been thinking about the tragedy in those terms. So, Nixon attempts to do something nice but, being Nixon, messes it up.
Ambrose does spend a bit of time showing the wrap-up of American involvement in the Vietnam War. But his second term is almost immediately consumed with Watergate. Ambrose takes readers through the continuing efforts at cover-up, showing how Nixon threw everyone (Haldeman, Erlichman, Mitchell, Colson, Liddy, Dean, etc...) to the wolves in an unsuccessful attempt to save himself. Not as many tapes had been released at the time that Ambrose wrote this as compared to now, but the major ones concerning the "smoking gun" and pivotal conversations that Nixon had with his aides were available. Just reading the transcripts, there is no doubt whatsoever that Nixon attempted a cover-up. His own words on his own tapes damn him more than anyone else could. Yet, Nixon never admitted culpability. He refused, even long after he had resigned. He had too much pride to ever admit otherwise.
Generally, Ambrose strives to be neutral towards Nixon (as far as that is possible for anyone to do). However, around the middle point of the book, he seems to step into the pro-Nixon camp. On page 252, he wonders about Nixon's drinking and if it was a serious problem: "It is this author's opinion that his drinking was not a problem for Nixon.... Indeed, it is remarkable how little he relied on drugs or booze to get through such great physical and emotional stress, how much he drew on his own strength." What is this view based on? On page 316 he calls him "an extraordinary man." Well, yes, he was. But not always in a positive way. Then just three pages later he comments about Nixon giving a speech at the National War College: "Taken altogether it was a bravura performance, showing once again the great inner strength of this man, able to keep his chin up despite body blows that would have felled an ox." Really? That seems to be laying it on a bit thick.
But shortly after that, Ambrose grows decidedly less friendly towards Nixon. (I want to note that I was not eager for Ambrose to be negative or positive on Nixon, just fair - which would mean a combination of both.) As Nixon loses control of his administration in 1974, Ambrose calls him out for it, especially in how he treated his family. His daughter, Julie, went around the country speaking out on his behalf and defending him. And his wife, Pat, got blitzed with hostile questions about Watergate constantly, yet she too never wavered in her support of Nixon. Yet, and to me this says so much about his character, Nixon had not shared with them that he 1) taped their conversations, and 2) did engage in a cover-up. He let his wife and his daughter defend him on grounds that he himself knew were false. Who does that?
The disrespect continues after his resignation, only this time the recipient is Gerald Ford. In deciding to pardon Nixon a month after he resigned, Ford opened himself up to howls of protest about there being some kind of secret deal that allowed him to become Vice President following Spiro Agnew's resignation in 1973 in exchange for being willing to pardon Nixon. I think this decision, more than anything else, probably cost Ford election in 1976, although we will never know for sure. But Nixon, instead of being grateful that Ford pulled him out of the fire, instead treated him as someone not quite worthy of the job. He called him "Jerry" instead of "Mr. President", even though Nixon allowed nobody outside his immediate family to call him anything other than that. Nixon misspelled his name ("Gerry") on a letter. Nixon undercut him by going to China on his own in 1976 during the Republican primary season. Nixon offered, at best, tepid support for Ford in his struggle with Ronald Reagan for the Republican nomination. In short, Nixon was more or less a jerk to Ford. It is another example of how Nixon was first and foremost concerned with himself.
That behavior continued into his forced retirement. Ambrose chronicles Nixon's slow comeback, and how he carefully manipulated the media and politicians over the next decade until he could claim the mantle of "elder statesman". Nixon wrote a lot of books, which Ambrose does a good job of analyzing, in which he repeatedly writes about his own achievements while skirting around Watergate, blaming it on the Democrats and the media. Ambrose also reviews the long struggle that Nixon waged against the government for control of his presidential records, papers, and the tapes. Nixon was involved in constant litigation over these items, which resulted in the construction of his Library being delayed until 1990. As Ambrose repeatedly shows, it was constantly Nixon vs the World. At least in Nixon's mind.
Ambrose's attempt to be fair to Nixon is appreciated. It is difficult to find books where the author is neither a Nixon-hater nor a sycophant. I want neither. Although honestly it is difficult to stay neutral on Nixon. Even almost 50 years later, he is remains a polarizing figure. Each time you find a positive nugget about him, or think "Well, he was a brilliant strategic thinker" or something along those lines, then you read about things like the ones mentioned above, and you think "What a selfish, paranoid man." On the whole, I have to say that I find him both fascinating and exhausting, but that it is a strain to keep trying to be objective when he hands you so much negative ammunition. He was a deeply flawed man, and Ambrose does a good job of showing that.
Grade: A-
P.S.
About a month ago, shortly after Joe Biden was declared the winner in the 2020 election (and no, he did not "steal" it or whatever else has been falsely alleged), I came across a social media posting that was the recording of a brief phone call that Nixon made to then Senator-elect Biden. This was in December 1972, right after Biden's first wife and his daughter were killed in a car accident. The call lasts about a minute, and it is Nixon telling Biden he should focus on how his wife was able to share with him the great "victory" of being elected to the Senator. Biden, still no doubt in shock, mumbled thank you, and that was about it. There was no "I am so sorry for what happened. What can I do to help? Can I do anything for your sons, since they were injured?" Nothing like that. Instead, it is about winning an election. While this was not related to the book, I wanted to mention it as - to me - it shows the immense contradiction that Nixon himself was. On the one hand, he didn't have to call Biden. He, like most everyone would, probably felt bad for what happened to him. He probably thought that a call from the President might briefly cheer him up. I think it's good that he reached out to Biden. But then on the other hand, he totally bungled it. He displayed little sense of empathy, offered no assistance, and tried to spin it into something concerning politics. As if Biden, or anyone in his situation, would have been thinking about the tragedy in those terms. So, Nixon attempts to do something nice but, being Nixon, messes it up.
December 29, 2012
In RUIN AND RECOVERY, Ambrose chronicles Richard Nixon's slow rise from disgraced politician to elder statesman. Regardless of how one feels about this controversial historical figure, one can't help but admire his constant and persistent efforts to make one last comeback. When he passed away in 1994, he was rehabilitated. Academics would never embrace him or his legacy. But his fellow Americans held him in high esteem.
Ambrose sums up his own feelings about Nixon at the end of the book. He, like most liberals of that time, was tremendously angry about Gerald Ford's pardon of Nixon. But time tempered his view and he now sees that pardon as a positive move. Watergate needed to end.
He also summed up his views of Nixon's legacy. His final conclusion was that the nation lost something valuable when it lost Nixon. Nixon's intellect and political acumen could have made him one of the great presidents, but his demons would doom him to ignominy.
Ambrose sums up his own feelings about Nixon at the end of the book. He, like most liberals of that time, was tremendously angry about Gerald Ford's pardon of Nixon. But time tempered his view and he now sees that pardon as a positive move. Watergate needed to end.
He also summed up his views of Nixon's legacy. His final conclusion was that the nation lost something valuable when it lost Nixon. Nixon's intellect and political acumen could have made him one of the great presidents, but his demons would doom him to ignominy.
April 8, 2015
Gave me a new insight into Nixon. These three volume's are a must read for anyone interested in this era. This volume in particular goes into a lot of detail about Watergate. Written in such a way as to make clear all the in's and out's of those turbulent times. Discovered many things that I did not know for example I had never heard that Nixon favored National Health Care for all Americans. That came as a real surprise to me.
August 19, 2007
Just like he never planned on retiring when he gave his "farewell" speech after being defeated by Gov. Brown, so Nixon planned his comeback even before the famous departure from the White House in 1974. I can't say I love the guy after reading these books, but I have to admire his mind and the way his intellect worked nonstop.
July 22, 2013
Fantastic read that is a great conclusion to the first 2 books in the series. They are all heavy reads but if you enjoy reading history it is the nature of the beast.
Nixon comeback after his resignation was even greater then after losing the Governors race.
Ambrose gives a fair and unbias writing of a very complex individual.
Nixon comeback after his resignation was even greater then after losing the Governors race.
Ambrose gives a fair and unbias writing of a very complex individual.
December 5, 2018
After I finished volume 1 of this trilogy, I actually grew to admire and like Richard Nixon. At the end of volume 2, my admiration turned to bitterness and anger towards the man. Now that I’ve finished the entire series, I simply feel sorry for the man. Oh, what a great man and president he could have been! A man who was incredibly intelligent - possibly the smartest man to ever occupy the Oval Office - was sorely lacking in the likability department, which caused many to dislike him, which caused Nixon to bite back at his critics while, at many times, breaking the law.
This third volume picks up right as he is inaugurated for his second term as president. The fact that such a hated man easily swept his Democratic rival in the 1972 president election tells you just how divided our country was at the time. So his second term doesn’t begin any easier and, with the election now “out of the way”, the media focuses (it seems) solely on Watergate. Watergate, Watergate, Watergate.
75% of this book takes place from January 1973 through August 9th, 1974, the day Nixon was finally forced to resign the Office of the President of the United States. So, yes, we read an awful lot about Watergate. Depending on how familiar you are with this egregious time in the country’s history, may help or hinder your enjoyment of the book. There’s a lot of detail here, and a lot of names. The main players in the tragedy get a lot of stage time here. Names such as Bob Haldeman, John Dean, John Mitchell and Howard Hunt have plenty of page space devoted to them. You’ll also be widely exposed to many of the minor players as well such as Donald Segretti, Dwight Chapin, Fred LaRue and Hugh Sloan. So if you’re not that familiar with many of those individuals, having Wikipedia nearby might be handy.
Even if you think you’ve “heard it all” as it relates to Watergate, it’s refreshing here since the focus is always on Nixon the person, as well as Nixon the president. You feel all of the turmoil, confusion and struggles that he, and his family, were going through. This isn’t a book about Watergate, though, yet like his Presidency, anything else that is discussed seems a bit of a distraction. No matter how much Nixon would try to steer the focus of the country to matters such as detente with Russia, inflation, and solving the country’s energy crisis, all anyone wanted to talk about was the tapes, and why we weren’t allowed to hear them if they supposedly would clear the president.
So we relive the nightmare here. The resignation of his top aides, the John Dean testimony, the Alexander Butterfield revelation, the Saturday Night Massacre, the release of the “transcripts”, and so on, and so on, and so on.
Like the children’s book about Alexander, who had a no good, horrible, rotten day (or something like that), absolutely nothing seems to go right for Nixon during this ordeal. It’s almost lost to history the fact that ten months prior to Nixon’s registration, his Vice President, Spiro Agnew, was forced to resign his office due to prior wrongdoings as Governor of Maryland. Gerald Ford is nominated as successor, and the thought by many is that it’s only a matter of time before Ford is the new Commander in Chief.
So August 1974 arrives, and Nixon finally resigns since it’s “best for the country”. He then begins his road to recovery which almost serves as a coda to this story as opposed to a major part of the book. It’s very tough on Nixon and family in the immediate years after his involuntary exodus, but he slowly starts to recover and slowly starts to reappear in some of the most imperceptible places. Well, time heals all wounds, and whereas Nixon is never completely forgiven, nor forgotten, he starts to gain more respect in his latter years, penning several books about the state of affairs in the political world, and becoming an advisor, to some extent, to future presidents.
Perhaps the thing that will always doom Nixon is that he never apologized for his wrongdoings. He never admitted he was wrong, and never took any responsibility for, not only the Watergate burglary, but for the massive coverup that was clearly one of the worst constitutional crises of our country. Had he done this, history would be kinder. But Nixon was never apologetic. Men from his background and his time in history simply didn’t do such things. As coarse as that sounds, it does seem that most people, upon reflection, realized this about the man, and moved on.
A sad story of history, but one that really shouldn’t surprise any. During the Watergate crisis, Nixon himself countlessly wonders why he was being picked on for doing what “every other world leader” always did. Even the foreign superpowers at the time can’t fathom why Americans cared about such a trivial thing (China wonders why Nixon simply didn’t take out his detractors and line them up and shoot them). But I’ve always believed that this is what makes America great, and just because “everyone else does it” doesn’t make it right.
Stephen Ambrose mentions in the forward to this book that he “loved writing this book”. I wish Mr. Ambrose were still alive so I could tell him how much I loved reading it.
This third volume picks up right as he is inaugurated for his second term as president. The fact that such a hated man easily swept his Democratic rival in the 1972 president election tells you just how divided our country was at the time. So his second term doesn’t begin any easier and, with the election now “out of the way”, the media focuses (it seems) solely on Watergate. Watergate, Watergate, Watergate.
75% of this book takes place from January 1973 through August 9th, 1974, the day Nixon was finally forced to resign the Office of the President of the United States. So, yes, we read an awful lot about Watergate. Depending on how familiar you are with this egregious time in the country’s history, may help or hinder your enjoyment of the book. There’s a lot of detail here, and a lot of names. The main players in the tragedy get a lot of stage time here. Names such as Bob Haldeman, John Dean, John Mitchell and Howard Hunt have plenty of page space devoted to them. You’ll also be widely exposed to many of the minor players as well such as Donald Segretti, Dwight Chapin, Fred LaRue and Hugh Sloan. So if you’re not that familiar with many of those individuals, having Wikipedia nearby might be handy.
Even if you think you’ve “heard it all” as it relates to Watergate, it’s refreshing here since the focus is always on Nixon the person, as well as Nixon the president. You feel all of the turmoil, confusion and struggles that he, and his family, were going through. This isn’t a book about Watergate, though, yet like his Presidency, anything else that is discussed seems a bit of a distraction. No matter how much Nixon would try to steer the focus of the country to matters such as detente with Russia, inflation, and solving the country’s energy crisis, all anyone wanted to talk about was the tapes, and why we weren’t allowed to hear them if they supposedly would clear the president.
So we relive the nightmare here. The resignation of his top aides, the John Dean testimony, the Alexander Butterfield revelation, the Saturday Night Massacre, the release of the “transcripts”, and so on, and so on, and so on.
Like the children’s book about Alexander, who had a no good, horrible, rotten day (or something like that), absolutely nothing seems to go right for Nixon during this ordeal. It’s almost lost to history the fact that ten months prior to Nixon’s registration, his Vice President, Spiro Agnew, was forced to resign his office due to prior wrongdoings as Governor of Maryland. Gerald Ford is nominated as successor, and the thought by many is that it’s only a matter of time before Ford is the new Commander in Chief.
So August 1974 arrives, and Nixon finally resigns since it’s “best for the country”. He then begins his road to recovery which almost serves as a coda to this story as opposed to a major part of the book. It’s very tough on Nixon and family in the immediate years after his involuntary exodus, but he slowly starts to recover and slowly starts to reappear in some of the most imperceptible places. Well, time heals all wounds, and whereas Nixon is never completely forgiven, nor forgotten, he starts to gain more respect in his latter years, penning several books about the state of affairs in the political world, and becoming an advisor, to some extent, to future presidents.
Perhaps the thing that will always doom Nixon is that he never apologized for his wrongdoings. He never admitted he was wrong, and never took any responsibility for, not only the Watergate burglary, but for the massive coverup that was clearly one of the worst constitutional crises of our country. Had he done this, history would be kinder. But Nixon was never apologetic. Men from his background and his time in history simply didn’t do such things. As coarse as that sounds, it does seem that most people, upon reflection, realized this about the man, and moved on.
A sad story of history, but one that really shouldn’t surprise any. During the Watergate crisis, Nixon himself countlessly wonders why he was being picked on for doing what “every other world leader” always did. Even the foreign superpowers at the time can’t fathom why Americans cared about such a trivial thing (China wonders why Nixon simply didn’t take out his detractors and line them up and shoot them). But I’ve always believed that this is what makes America great, and just because “everyone else does it” doesn’t make it right.
Stephen Ambrose mentions in the forward to this book that he “loved writing this book”. I wish Mr. Ambrose were still alive so I could tell him how much I loved reading it.
May 3, 2022
This is a well-written fascinating book about the political death and political resurrection of Richard Nixon. Fifty years after Watergate, the Nixon train wreck is still something you can’t turn away from. It’s a train wreck filled with high drama, pathos, cynicism, lies, failure, and yes, eventually, success.
The first almost-70 percent of the book walks you through Nixon’s unraveling between Election Day 1972 and early August 1974 when he ultimately resigned. It is a tortuous unraveling that will pull you in and keep you involved. Ambrose thoroughly records the behind-the-scenes pushing and shoving that ultimately resulted in Ford’s rise to the presidency and Nixon’s temporary demise.
Chapter 18, which details the resignation, both the public-facing one and the somewhat more private one for his staff and supporters, is emotional and vivid. One of his final acts included touching Gerald Ford’s left elbow and solemnly intoning, “Goodbye, Mr. President.”
I confess the resurrection chapters were far less interesting than the train wreck section. I initially thought the author was sympathetic to Nixon; as I think of it, this is pretty even handed. I was unaware of the horrific medical problems Nixon experienced in the early months and years after his resignation. He was close to death for months.
The resurrection included trips to China and the Soviet Union. The Chinese consistently held Nixon in high esteem, even at the worst of his problems. The author addressed some of Nixon’s books and gives you decent summaries of them. He points to Nixon’s consistent shrill self-pity whenever he wrote about Watergate. You get a fascinating look at the opening of the Nixon Library, and Ambrose gives a good description of the differences between Nixon’s library and those of other ex-presidents.
In his epilogue, Ambrose concludes that “Nixon will never be called Richard the Great.” Nixon wrote about qualities of leadership, but he never included virtue in those lists. Ambrose asserts that defeat was never a permanent thing with Nixon. If he had a heart attack, he would attempt to breathe into his own mouth to resuscitate himself. Ambrose says it was his toughness that allowed him to come back after what everyone else assumed would be the death blow. Ambrose admits Nixon was disciplined. He worked hard and read much. He decried the trend that enabled the young to replace books with TV. His personal pride was a double-edged sword. It enabled him to resurrect his career to some extent, but it meant he could never admit to wrongdoing. Ambrose postulates the American people would have forgiven Nixon had he just said I was wrong and I’m guilty early on. Ambrose also portrays the negative aspects of his personality in the epilogue. He quotes Eisenhower’s secretary who said he was better at acting like a nice man than being one. Ambrose calls him a “stuffed shirt.” There are photos of him walking the beach fully regaled in a suit and tie. He didn’t get his first sniff of marijuana until the 1980s, according to the author. He feared spontaneity and craved order and neatness. Ambrose insists Nixon was full of self-pity, and his list of reasons was long. They included the poverty of his youth, Watergate naturally, and much more. His associates describe him as a man who had hundreds of associates but no real friends. Kissinger insisted Nixon had no close friends, and Barry Goldwater echoed that sentiment. Ambrose wrote Nixon had every gift anyone could aspire to except character. Virtue comes from character, and for that reason, Nixon despised virtue and railed against it. He constantly put himself first, and Ambrose questions whether he really respected anyone other than himself. You see Ambrose’s liberal leanings here at the end when he suggests that, had Nixon not resigned, there never would have been a Reagan revolution with its favoritism of the rich, its burgeoning debt, and its lack of compassion toward surging homelessness.
The first almost-70 percent of the book walks you through Nixon’s unraveling between Election Day 1972 and early August 1974 when he ultimately resigned. It is a tortuous unraveling that will pull you in and keep you involved. Ambrose thoroughly records the behind-the-scenes pushing and shoving that ultimately resulted in Ford’s rise to the presidency and Nixon’s temporary demise.
Chapter 18, which details the resignation, both the public-facing one and the somewhat more private one for his staff and supporters, is emotional and vivid. One of his final acts included touching Gerald Ford’s left elbow and solemnly intoning, “Goodbye, Mr. President.”
I confess the resurrection chapters were far less interesting than the train wreck section. I initially thought the author was sympathetic to Nixon; as I think of it, this is pretty even handed. I was unaware of the horrific medical problems Nixon experienced in the early months and years after his resignation. He was close to death for months.
The resurrection included trips to China and the Soviet Union. The Chinese consistently held Nixon in high esteem, even at the worst of his problems. The author addressed some of Nixon’s books and gives you decent summaries of them. He points to Nixon’s consistent shrill self-pity whenever he wrote about Watergate. You get a fascinating look at the opening of the Nixon Library, and Ambrose gives a good description of the differences between Nixon’s library and those of other ex-presidents.
In his epilogue, Ambrose concludes that “Nixon will never be called Richard the Great.” Nixon wrote about qualities of leadership, but he never included virtue in those lists. Ambrose asserts that defeat was never a permanent thing with Nixon. If he had a heart attack, he would attempt to breathe into his own mouth to resuscitate himself. Ambrose says it was his toughness that allowed him to come back after what everyone else assumed would be the death blow. Ambrose admits Nixon was disciplined. He worked hard and read much. He decried the trend that enabled the young to replace books with TV. His personal pride was a double-edged sword. It enabled him to resurrect his career to some extent, but it meant he could never admit to wrongdoing. Ambrose postulates the American people would have forgiven Nixon had he just said I was wrong and I’m guilty early on. Ambrose also portrays the negative aspects of his personality in the epilogue. He quotes Eisenhower’s secretary who said he was better at acting like a nice man than being one. Ambrose calls him a “stuffed shirt.” There are photos of him walking the beach fully regaled in a suit and tie. He didn’t get his first sniff of marijuana until the 1980s, according to the author. He feared spontaneity and craved order and neatness. Ambrose insists Nixon was full of self-pity, and his list of reasons was long. They included the poverty of his youth, Watergate naturally, and much more. His associates describe him as a man who had hundreds of associates but no real friends. Kissinger insisted Nixon had no close friends, and Barry Goldwater echoed that sentiment. Ambrose wrote Nixon had every gift anyone could aspire to except character. Virtue comes from character, and for that reason, Nixon despised virtue and railed against it. He constantly put himself first, and Ambrose questions whether he really respected anyone other than himself. You see Ambrose’s liberal leanings here at the end when he suggests that, had Nixon not resigned, there never would have been a Reagan revolution with its favoritism of the rich, its burgeoning debt, and its lack of compassion toward surging homelessness.
January 29, 2023
This third volume is as good as the first two. Again, Ambrose presents what I think is a fair look at Nixon.
Much of this volume is focused on Watergate. For 19 months, Watergate sucked the oxygen out of whatever room Nixon occupied. Pretty much all he did over that time was to try to prevent the public from finding out what he did, blaming other people, and insisting he did nothing wrong. After he resigned, he worked on building a fortune and continued his efforts to suppress the true history of his Administration.
I think it is important to keep in mind Nixon's priorities. When considering action X, Nixon's priorities were: is X good for Nixon? Is X good for his party? Is X good for America? Viewed through this lens, pretty much everything he did makes sense.
In addition to the straight reporting of Nixon's story, there are a couple of chapters where Ambrose engages in analysis. I find Ambrose's analysis quite good. I don't agree with him in all cases, but his reasoning is sound. Anyone who may not be interested in reading the whole book may still want to read chapter 15 and the Epilogue.
The damage Nixon did to America is incalculable. It's not really possible to understand how we got to where we are today as a nation without understanding Nixon's actions and motivations.
Much of this volume is focused on Watergate. For 19 months, Watergate sucked the oxygen out of whatever room Nixon occupied. Pretty much all he did over that time was to try to prevent the public from finding out what he did, blaming other people, and insisting he did nothing wrong. After he resigned, he worked on building a fortune and continued his efforts to suppress the true history of his Administration.
I think it is important to keep in mind Nixon's priorities. When considering action X, Nixon's priorities were: is X good for Nixon? Is X good for his party? Is X good for America? Viewed through this lens, pretty much everything he did makes sense.
In addition to the straight reporting of Nixon's story, there are a couple of chapters where Ambrose engages in analysis. I find Ambrose's analysis quite good. I don't agree with him in all cases, but his reasoning is sound. Anyone who may not be interested in reading the whole book may still want to read chapter 15 and the Epilogue.
The damage Nixon did to America is incalculable. It's not really possible to understand how we got to where we are today as a nation without understanding Nixon's actions and motivations.
October 4, 2022
This was the first MARATHON read I've undertaken since my January reading of The Wilderness Warrior, and this was truly worth it. For awhile, I have been considering Richard Nixon's legacy, and this book solidly reinforced my belief that Richard Nixon is America's most underrated president. The book does a fantastic job of covering the lowest point of Nixon's life and his progressive journey back to the top as the icon of American statesman.
Overall, I think this book is an excellent and extremely thorough history of the presidency, although I did find a few minor inaccuracies, such as Ambrose saying Nixon had appeared on Time's cover 67 times (actually 55) or that Nixon had never testified on Watergate (he actually testified on Watergate in 1975, after he had recovered from hospitalization.) I do not actually fault Ambrose on that second error, however, as with all the struggle over the Watergate records, I do not know if this was publicly available information in 1991.
Overall, I think this book is an excellent and extremely thorough history of the presidency, although I did find a few minor inaccuracies, such as Ambrose saying Nixon had appeared on Time's cover 67 times (actually 55) or that Nixon had never testified on Watergate (he actually testified on Watergate in 1975, after he had recovered from hospitalization.) I do not actually fault Ambrose on that second error, however, as with all the struggle over the Watergate records, I do not know if this was publicly available information in 1991.
June 17, 2017
What an amazing read! At first I thought only a small number of pages would be dedicated to Watergate. But he gives a moment by moment account of the events. It was very aggravating reading about the extreme amount of resistance that President Nixon put up. That man just never wanted to admit to anything. Ambrose was very objective by comparing, contrasting, and analyzing Nixon with past administrations. Ambrose also provides private moments from his family and subordinates. I see Ehrlichmann, Haldeman, Kissinger, and Dean in a different light. I thought I already knew so much about Watergate but now I realize I really didn't. Highly recommended!
July 20, 2017
Another readable volume by Ambrose. This book is 95% Watergate, blow by blow. And then a bit of the end of Nixon's life, as he rehabilitated himself into an elder statesman while still never, ever apologizing for his mistakes.
May 7, 2021
Non ho capito il motivo per cui Ambrose diventi un critico letterario verso la fine. È evidente che dal 1980 non avesse più cose da raccontare e si sia limitato a scrivere recensioni dei libri di Nixon. Se ne poteva fare a meno.
July 12, 2023
Ambrose may be the most controversial Nixon biographer. His analysis feels further out on a limb. Yet he looks more closely at the last chapter, the last come back, than almost anyone else, and that's a very valuable contribution to the scholarship.
June 8, 2021
I found this a bit disjointed but a necessary finale to the trilogy. I think more time could have been spent on “Why?”.
June 21, 2021
I enjoyed the last few chapters very much.
March 14, 2017
Wow! I love that the book focuses on AFTER the dust settled. What an underrated and sadly misunderstood character. Nixon has so many layers.
February 19, 2017
The overall three volume set of the Ambrose's Nixon Bio is quite good - many interesting insights into one of the most interesting American's of the 20th C. It helps that Ambrose was one of the most engaging history writers of his time, so the three volumes were quite readable and fun.
I highly recommend this set to anyone who has an interest in old Tricky Dick.
I highly recommend this set to anyone who has an interest in old Tricky Dick.
July 21, 2015
Not as strong as the first volume, but engaging nonetheless. By far its strongest focus is the Watergate scandal, and frankly I got sick of hearing about it, which apparently reflected the reality of the early 1970's; EVERYONE was sick of it in that period, and when Nixon finally resigns, the reader is just as relieved as the nation was.
There are breaths of relief when the book focuses on Nixon's moribund foreign policy in his second term, which of course was overshadowed and essentially sabotaged by Watergate. Despite Nixon's escalation of Vietnam, his moves towards détente with the Soviets through SALT II were fairly noble, not to mention easing tensions with China.
Overall, the non-Watergate stuff was more compelling, but unfortunately it was not this book's focus. Watergate has been covered to death, so the post-presidency information, especially Nixon's shifting perspectives on the Cold War, were its strength.
Interesting conclusion that Ambrose reaches on the impact of Nixon's resignation on the GOP. He states that Nixon's fall left a power vacuum in the party that was overtaken by the far-right, which continues to dominate the party (Reagan revolution, Contract with America, Tea Party, etc.) I think the right-wing domination was inevitable (as established by Goldwater in 1964), but perhaps Nixon could have kept it better in check (I highly doubt Reagan would have ever been elected if not for the cynicism and anti-government feelings Watergate produced).
Really strong overall, but not as good as volume 3.
There are breaths of relief when the book focuses on Nixon's moribund foreign policy in his second term, which of course was overshadowed and essentially sabotaged by Watergate. Despite Nixon's escalation of Vietnam, his moves towards détente with the Soviets through SALT II were fairly noble, not to mention easing tensions with China.
Overall, the non-Watergate stuff was more compelling, but unfortunately it was not this book's focus. Watergate has been covered to death, so the post-presidency information, especially Nixon's shifting perspectives on the Cold War, were its strength.
Interesting conclusion that Ambrose reaches on the impact of Nixon's resignation on the GOP. He states that Nixon's fall left a power vacuum in the party that was overtaken by the far-right, which continues to dominate the party (Reagan revolution, Contract with America, Tea Party, etc.) I think the right-wing domination was inevitable (as established by Goldwater in 1964), but perhaps Nixon could have kept it better in check (I highly doubt Reagan would have ever been elected if not for the cynicism and anti-government feelings Watergate produced).
Really strong overall, but not as good as volume 3.
February 6, 2017
The author thinks that we have may have lost more ground than we gained when Nixon resigned. There is no way of knowing if Nixon's plans for his second term, had they not been submerged in Watergate, would have moved us forward domestically and internationally. Would we have voted in Reagan? Would we have continued the Cold War? Would we have made the wealthy wealthier and the poor poorer? All of those are interesting lines of speculation. This story helps to flesh them out.
January 14, 2015
After a week of watching the funeral and being surprised at my own emotional response, I've spend the last days going back over Watergate and getting new information about what he had been doing in the interim. I'm as vulnerable as anyone else to the emotional manipulation of a good media campaign. But now that he's gone, the horrible emotional {ed-?} intensity is as well. He can not do any further harm, and understanding him and that oh so important part of our collective past becomes much more interesting. All the stories that we don't get to know. This book was very good--very well documented, [?] readable. I could not put it down.
May 27, 2017
This is the final volume of Ambrose's trilogy about Richard Nixon. It covers the period from his election win in 1972 until his death in 1990. This is the book that chronicles the infamous Watergate problems that resulted in Nixon's resignation from office. It also details Nixon's phoenix-like rise as exiled world statesman.
The book is less satisfying than Ambrose's previous two volumes because the author's personal prejudices against the subject tend to seep through the narrative - hence, three stars instead of four.
The book is less satisfying than Ambrose's previous two volumes because the author's personal prejudices against the subject tend to seep through the narrative - hence, three stars instead of four.
November 10, 2012
Nixon's sad exit from the presidency can be debated forever, but his efforts to become an "elder statesman" of sorts met with some success. As with the other two installments of this biography, Ambrose takes a fair and balanced look at this complicated man.
August 13, 2013
Seemed a bit more rushed than the other 2 volumes in the series. I guess there was not a whole lot to write about while Nixon was in political exile, but IMO NIxon finished his time here a a flawed but redeemed individual.
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February 8, 2016Final entry in a monumental trilogy on this deeply flawed and defining man.
May 28, 2009
Continuing series on Nixon.
November 26, 2009
Ambrose was able to remain objective and impartial until the last page of the book when he began bashing Reagan.
January 16, 2010
This is the third volume of the Richard Nixon biographical series written by Stephen Ambrose. Well worth the time and effort to read.
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